vToRYoF 


A        A         « 
4      A 


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Genghis    Khan 


BY 

JACOB   ABBOTT 


WITH  ENGRAVINGS 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 
HARPER    &    BROTHERS    PUBLISHERS 


ABBOTT'S 

ILLUSTRATED    BIOGRAPHICAL 
HISTORIES 


CYRUS 

DARIUS 

XERXES 

ALEXANDER 

GENGHIS  KHAN 

PETER  THE  GREAT 

ROMULUS 

HANNIBAL 

PYRRHUS 

JULIUS  C/ESAR 

NERO 

ALFRED 

WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR 

RICHARD  I. 

RICHARD  II. 

RICHARD  III. 


MARGARET  OP  ANJOU 

MARY  QUEEN  OP  SCOTS 

ELIZABETH 

CHARLES  I. 

CHARLES  II. 

CLEOPATRA 

MARIA  ANTOINETTE 

JOSEPHINE 

HORTENSE 

MADAME  ROLAND 

KING  PHILIP 

HERNANDO  CORTEZ 

HENRY  IV. 

Louis  XIV. 

JOSEPH  BONAPARTE 

Louis  PHILIPPE 


50  Cents,  Each 
HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  PUBLISHERS,  N.  Y. 


PREFACE. 

THE  word  khan  is  not  a  name,  but  a  title. 
It  means  chieftain  or  king.  It  is  a  word  used 
in  various  forms  by  the  different  tribes  and  na- 
tions that  from  time  immemorial  have  inhabit- 
ed central  Asia,  and  has  been  applied  to  a  great 
number  of  potentates  and  rulers  that  have  from 
time  to  time  arisen  among  them.  Genghis 
Khan  was  the  greatest  of  these  princes.  He 
was,  in  fact,  one  of  the  most  renowned  conquer- 
ors whose  exploits  history  records. 

As  in  all  other  cases  occurring  in  the  series 
of  histories  to  which  this  work  belongs,  where 
the  events  narrated  took  place  at  such  a  period 
or  in  such  a  part  of  the  world  that  positively 
reliable  and  authentic  information  in  respect  to 
them  can  now  no  longer  be  obtained,  the  au- 
thor  is  not  responsible  for  the  actual  truth  of 
the  narrative  which  he  offers,  but  only  for  the 
honesty  and  fidelity  with  which  he  has  com- 
piled it  from  the  best  sources  of  information 
now  within  reach. 

20G5319 


CONTENTS. 


I.    PASTORAL   LIFE    IN.  ASIA  ........  ........  --       13 

II.    THE    MONGULS  ..........................      23 

III.  YEZONKAI    KHAN   -----  ..........  ---------       41 

IV.  THE    FIRST   BATTLE  ..........  ___  .  --------       52 

V.    VANG   KHAN  ............................      68 

VI.    TEMUJIN    IN    EXILE   .........  _____________       76 

VII.    RUPTURE    WITH   VANG   KHAN  ..............       86 

VIII.    PROGRESS    OF   THE    QUARREL  .........  -----    100 

IX.    THE    DEATH    OF   VANG   KHAN  ......  ________    114 

X.    THE    DEATH    OF    VEMUKA  .........  --------    123 

XI.    ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    EMPIRE   __________    136 

XII.    DOMINIONS    OF   GENGHIS    KHAN  .............    150 

XIII.  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    PRINCE    KUSHLUK  .....    163 

XIV.  IDIKUT  .......................  _________    175 

XV.    THE    STORY    OF   HUJAKU  ..................    184 

XVI.    CONQUESTS    IN   CHINA  ................  ____    198 

XVII.    THE   SULTAN    MOHAMMED  .................    213 

XVIII.    THE    WAR    WITH    THE    SULTAN  .........  ____    236 

XIX.    THE    FALL    OF    BOKHARA  ..................    244 

XX.    BATTLES    AND    SIEGES  ................  ____    264 

XXI.    DEATH    OF    THE    SULTAN  ..................    281 

XXII.    VICTORIOUS   CAMPAIGNS   ..................    297 

XXIII.  GRAND    CELEBRATIONS  ..........  .  .........    318 

XXIV.  CONCLUSION   ..  ..    330 


ENGRAVINGS. 


THE   INAUGURATION    OF   GENGHIS   KHAN Front ISptece . 

ENCAMPMENT    OF   A    PATRIARCH 20 

SHOOTING   AT    PURSUERS 35 

MAP — EMPIRE    OF    GENGHIS    KHAN 44 

PURTA    IN   THE   TENT   OF   VANG   KHAN 62 

DRINKING    THE    BITTER    WATER 107 

PRESENTATION    OF    THE    SHONGAR 173 

THE    MERCHANTS   OFFERING   THEIR   GOODS 222 

THE    GOVERNOR    ON    THE    TERRACE 261 

THE    BATTLE   OF   THE   BOATS 277 


GENGHIS  KHAN, 

CHAPTER  I. 
PASTORAL  LIFE.I^N  ASIA. 

Four  different  moBes  of  life  enumerated. 

THERE  are  four  several  methods  by  which 
the  various  communities  into  which  the 
human  race  is  divided  obtairi  their  subsistence 
from  the  productions  of  thq  earth,  each  of  which 
leads  to  its  own  T^eculia^vstem  of  social  organ- 
ization, distinct  in  its  leading  characteristics 
from  those  of  all  the  rest.  Each  tends  to  its 
own  peculiar  form  of  government,  gives  rise  to 
its  own  manners  and  customs,  and  forms,  in  a 
word,  a  distinctive  and  characteristic  type  of 
life. 

These  methods  are  the  following: 

1.  By  hunting  wild  animals  in  a  state  of  na- 
ture. /s^V""^^ 

2.  By  rearing  tame  animals  in  pji^urages.  ^  * 

3.  By  gathering  fruits  and  vegetables  which 
grow  gpnntanp.rmgly  in  a  state  of  nature. 

4.  By  rearing  fruits  and  grains  and  other  veg- 
etables by  artificial  tillage  in  cultivated  ground. 


14  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Northern  and  southern  climes.  Animal  food  in  arctic  regions 

By  the  two  former  methods  man  subsists  on 
animal  food.  By  the  two',  latter  on  vegetable 

food/  ^*^il2£ 

As  we  go  north,  from  the  temfce^aCeregions  .  \a 
toward  the  poles,  man  is  found  to  sjibsjsj;xnio"fe  *v& 
and  more  on  animal  food.     This  seems  to  be 
the  intention   of  Providence.     In  the  arctic 
regions  scarcely  any  vegetables  grow  that  are 
fit  for  human  food,  but  animals  whose  flesh  is 
:&  nutritious  and  adapted  to  the  use  of  man  are 

„  Cj.  i  IT 

abundant. 

As  we  go  south,  from  temperate  regions  to- 
ward the  equator,  man  is  found  to  subsist  more 
and  more  on  vegetable  food.  This,  too,  seems 
to  be  the  intention  of  nature.  Within  the 
tropics  scarcely  any  animals  live  that  are  fit 
for  human  food ;  while  fruits,  roots,  and  other 
vegetable  productions  which  are  nutritious  and 
adapted  to  the  use  of  man  are  abundant. *^..0fo 

In  accordance  with  this  difference  in  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  different  regions  of  the  earth, 
there  seems  to  be  a  difference  in  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  races  of  men  formed  to  inhabit 
them.  The  tribes  that  inhabit  .Greenland  and 
Kamtschatka  can  not  pres^vetGeir  accustom- 
ed health  and  vigor  on  any  other  than  animal 
food.  If  put  upon  a  diet^  of  vegetables  they 
soon  begiu  to  pine  away,  j  The  reverse  is  true 


PASTORAL  LIFE  IN  ASIA.        15 

Tropical  regions.  Appetite  changes  with  dimat*. 

of  the  vegetable-eaters  of  the  tropics.  They 
preserve  their  health  and  strength  well  on  a  diet 
of  rice,  or  bread-fruit,  or  bananas,  and  would  un- 
doubtedly be  made  sick  by  being  fed  on  the 
flesh  of  walruses,  seals,  and  white  bears. 

In  the  temperate  regions  the  productions  of 
the  above-mentioned  extremes  are 
Here  many  animals  whose  flesh  is  fit  for  hu- 
man food  live  and  thrive,  and  here  grows,  too, 
a  Yiag£Variety  of  nutritious  fruits,  and^rQQts^and 
seeds/The  physical  constitutiotrbf  the  various 
races  of  men  that  inhabit  these  regions  is  modi- 
fied accordingly.  In  the  temperate  climes  men 
can  live  on  vegetable  food,  or  on  animal  food, 
or  on  both.  The  constitution  differs,  too,  in 
different  individuals,  and  it  changes  at  differ 
ent  periods  of  the  year.  Some  persons 
more  of  animal,  and  others  more  of  vegetable 
food,  to  preserve  their  bodily  and  mental  pow-. 
ers  in  the  best  condition,  and  each  0ne  observes 
a  change  in  himself  in  passing  from  winter  to 
summer.  In  the  summer  the  desire  for  a  diet 
of  fruits  and  vegetables  seems  to  come  north- 
ward with  the  sun,  and  in  the  winter  the  appe- 
tite for  flesh  comes  southward  from  the  arctic 
regions  with  the  cold. 

When  we  consider  the  different  conditions 
in  which  the  different  regions  of  the  earth  are 


16  GENGHIS  KHAN. 


First  steps  toward  civilization. 


placed  in  respect  to  their  capacity  of  produc- 
tion for  animal  and  vegetable  food,  we  shall  see 
that  this  adjustment  of  the  constitution  of  man, 
both  to  the  differences  of  climate  and  to  the 
changes  of  the  seasons,  is  a  very  wise  and  be- 
neficent arrangement  of  Divine  Providence.  To 
confine  man  absolutely  either  to  animal  or  veg- 
etable food  would  be  to  depopulate  a  large  part 
of  the  earth.j  ^-__  rt*A^-U^t 

It  results  from  these  general  facts  in  respect 
to  the  distribution  of  the  su^plies_of  animal  and 
vegetable  food  for  man  in  different  latitudes 
that,  in  all  northern  climes  in  our  hemisphere, 
men  living  in  a  savage  state  must  be  hunters, 
while  those  that  live  near  the  equator  must  de- 
pend for  their  subsistence  on  fruits  and  roots 
growing  wild.  When,  moreover,  any  tribe  or 
race  of  men  in  either  of  these  localities  take  the 
first  steps  toward  civilization,  they  begin,  in  the 
one  case,  by  taming  animals,  and  rearing  them  in 
flocks  and  herds ;  and,  in  the  other  case,  by  sav- 
ing the  seeds  of  food-producing  plants,  and  cuL 
tivating  them  by  artificial  tillage  in  inclosed  and 
private  fields.  This  last  is  the  condition  of  all 
the  half-civilized  tribes  of  the  tropical  regions  of 
the  earth,  whereas  the  former  prevails  in  all  the 
northern  temperate  and  arctic  regions,  as  far  to 
the  northward  as  domesticated  animals  can  live. 


PASTORAL  LIFE  IN  ASIA.        17 

Interior  of  Asia.  Pastoral  habits  of  the  people. 

From  time  immemorial,  the  whole  interior  of 
the  continent  of  Asia  has  been  inhabited  by 
tribes  and  nations  that  have  taken  this  one  step 
in  the  advance  toward  civilization,  but  have 
gone  no  farther.  They  live,  not,  like  the  In- 
dians in  North  America,  by  hunting  wild  beasts, 
but  by  rearing  and  pasturing  flocks  and  herds 
of  animals  that  they  have  tamed.  These  ani- 
mals feed,  of  course,  on  grass  and  hierbage ;  and, 
as  grass  and  herbage  can  only  grow  on  open 
ground,  the  forests  have  gradually  disappeared, 
and  the  country  has  for  ages  consisted  of  great 
grassy  plains,  or  of  smooth  hill-sides  covered 
with  ve'rdure.  Over  these  plains,  or  along  the 
river  valleys,  w^pdp.r  the  different  tribes  of 
which  these  pastoral  nations  are  composed,  liv- 
ing in  tents,  or  in  frail_huts  almost  equally  mov* 
able,  and  driving  their  flocks  and  herds  before 
them  from  one  pasture-ground  to  another,  ac- 
cording as  the  condition  of  the  grass,  or  that  of 
the  springs  and  streams  of  water,  may  require. 

We  obtain  a  pretty  distinct  idea  of  the  na- 
ture of  this  pastoral  life,  and  of  the  manners  and 
customs,  and  the  (fomestip  constitution  to  which 
it  gives  rise,  in  the  accounts  given  us  in  the  Old 
Testament  of  Abraham  and  Lot,  and  of  their 
wanderings  with  their  flocks  and  herds  over  the 
country  lying  between  the  Euphrates  and  the 
12—2 


18  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Picture  of  pastoral  life.  Large  families  accumulated. 

Mediterranean  Sea.  They  lived  in  tents,  in  or- 
der that  they  might  remove  their  habitations 
the  more  easily  from  place  to  place  in  follow- 
ing their  flocks  and  herds  to  different  pasture- 
grounds.  Their  wealth  consisted  almost  whol- 
ly in  these  flocks  and  herds,  the  land  being  al- 
most every  where  common.  Sometimes,  when 
two  parties  traveling  together  came  to  a  fertile 
and  well-watered  district,  their  herdsmen  and 
followers  were  disposed  to  contend  for  the  priv- 
ilege of  feeding  their  flocks  upon  it,  and  the 
contention  would  often  lead  to  a  quarrel  and 
combat,  if  it  had  not  been  settled  by  an  amica- 
ble agreement  on  the  part  of  the  chieftains. 

The  father  of  a  family  was  the  legislator  and 
ruler  of  it,  and  his  sons,  with  their  wives,  and 
his  son's  sons,  remained  with  him,  sometimes 
for  many  years,  sharing  his  means  of  subsist- 
ence, submiting  to  his  authority,  and  going  with 
him  from  place  to  place,  with  all  his  flocks  and 
herds.  They  employed,  too,  so  many  herds- 
men, and  other  servants  and  followers,  as  to 
form,  in  many  cases,  quite  an  extended  jcon> 
rriUnity,  and  sometimes,  in  case  of  hostilities 
with  any  other  wandering  tribe,  a  single  patri^ 
arch  could  send  forth  from  his  own  domestic 
circle  a  force  of  several  hundred  armed  men. 
Such  a  company  as  this,  when  moving  across 


PASTORAL  LIFE  IN  ASIA.       21 


Rise  of  patriarchal  governments. 


the  country  on  its  way  from  one  region  of  pas- 
turage to  another,  appeared  like  an  immense 
caravan  on  its  march,  and  when  settled  at  an  en- 
campment the  tents  formed  quite  a  little  town. 

Whenever  the  head  of  one  of  these  wander-  • 
ing  families  died,  the  tendency  was  not  for  the 
members  of  the  community  to  separate,  but  to 
keep  together,  and  allow  the  oldest  son  to  take 
the  father's  place  as  chieftain  and  ruler.  This 
was  necessary  for  defense,  as,  of  course,  such 
communities  as  these  were  in  perpetual  danger 
of  coming  into  collision  with  other  communi- 
ties roaming  about  like  themselves  over  the 
same  regions.  It  would  necessarily  result,  too, 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  that  a  strong 
and  well-managed  party,  with  an  able  and  saga- 
cious chieftain  at  the  head  of  it,  would  attract 
other  and  weaker  parties  to  join  it ;  or,  on  the 
arising  of  some  pretext  for  a  quarrel,  would 
make  war  upon  it  and  conquer  it.  Thus,  in 
process  of  time,  small  nations,  as  it  were,  would 
be  formed,  which  would  continue  united  and 
strong  as  long  as  the  able  leadership  continued ; 
and  then  they  would  separate  into  their  orig- 
inal elements,  which  elements  would  be  formed 
again  into  other  combinations.^ 

Such,  substantially,  was  pastoral  life  in  the 
beginning.     In  process  of  time,  of  course,  the 


22  GENGHIS  KHAN. 


Origin  of  the  towns.  Great  chieftains.  Genghis  Khan. 

tribes  banded  together  became  larger  and  larger. 
Some  few  towns  and  cities  were  built  as  places 
for  the  manufacture  of  implements  and  arms, 
or  as  resting-places  for  the  caravans  of  mer- 
•  chants  in  conveying  from  place  to  place  such 
articles  as  were  bought  and  sold.  But  these 
places  were  comparatively  few  and  unimport- 
ant. A  pastoral  and  roaming  life  continued  to 
be  the  destiny  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people. 
And  this  state  of  things,  which  was  commenced 
on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  before  the  time 
of  Abraham,  spread  through  the  whole  breadth 
of  Asia,  from  the  Mediterranean  Sea  to  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean,  and  has  continued  with  very  little 
change  from  those  early  periods  to  the  present 
time. 

Of  the  various  chieftains  that  have  from 
time  to  time  risen  to  command  among  these 
shepherd  nations  but  little  is  known,  for  very 
few  and  very  scanty  records  have  been  kept 
of  the  history  of  any  of  them.  Some  of  them 
have  been  famous  as  conquerors^  and  have  ac- 
quired--very  extended  (tojajnimis.  The  most 
celebrated  of  all  is  perhaps  Genghis  Khan,  the 
hero  of  this  history.  He  came  upon  the  stage 
more  than  three  thousand  years  after  the  time 
of  the  great  prototype  of  his  class,  the  Patriarch 
Abraham. 


THE  MONGULS.  23 


Monguls.  Origin  of  the  name.  A  Mongul  family. 


CHAPTER  II. 
THE   MONGULS. 

THEEE  thousand  years  is  a  period  of  time 
long  enough  to  produce  great  changes, 
and  in  the  course  of  that  time  a  great  many 
different  nations  and  congeries  of  nations  were 
formed  in  the  regions  of  Central  Asia.  The 
term  Tartars  has  been  employed  generically  to 
denote  almost  the  whole  race.  The  Monguls 
are  a  portion  of  this  people,  who  are  said  to  de- 
rive their  name  from  Mongol  Khan,  one  of  their 
earliest  and  most  powerful  chieftains.  The  de- 
scendants of  this  khan  called  themselves  by  his 
name,  just  as  the  descendants  of  the  twelve  sons 
of  Jacob  called  themselves  Israelites,  or  children 
of  Israel,  from  the  name  Israel,  which  was  one 
of  the  designations  of  the  great  patriarch  from 
whose  twelve  sons  the  twelve  tribes  of  the  Jews 
descended.  The  country  inhabited  by  the  Mon- 
guls was  called  Mongolia.  •  u^ 

To  obtain  a  clear  conception  of  a  single  Mon- 
gul family,  you  must  imagine,  first,  a  rather 
small,  shortt  thick-set  man,  with  long  black 


24  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Their  occupations.  Animals  of  the  Mongula. 

hair,  a  flat  face,  and  a  dark  olive  complexion. 
His  wife,  if  her  face  were  not  so  flat  and  her 
nose  so  broad,  would  be  quite  a  brilliant  little 
beauty,  her  eyes  are  so  black  and  sparkling. 
The  children  have  much  the  appearance  of 
young  Indians  as  they  run  shouting  among  the 
cattle  on  the  hill -sides,  or,  if  young,  playing 
half-naked  about  the  door  of  the  hut,  their  long 
black  hair  streaming  in  the  wind. 

Like  all  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  Central 
Asia,  these  people  depended  almost  entirely  for 
their  subsistence  on  the  products  of  their  flocks 
and  herds.  Of  course,  their  great  occupation 
consisted  in  watching  their  animals  while  feed- 
ing by  day,  and  in  putting  them  in  places  of 
security  by  night,  in  taking  care  of  and  rearing 
the  young,  in  making  butter  and  cheese  from 
the  milk,  and  clothing  from  the  skins,  in  driv- 
ing the  cattle  to  and  fro  in  search  of  pasturage, 
and,  finally,  in  making  war  on  the  people  of 
other  tribes  to  settle  disputes  arising  out  of  con- 
flicting claims  to  territory,  or  to  replenish  their 
stock  of  sheep  and  oxen  by  seizing  and  driving 
off  the  flocks  of  their  neighbors.  ^^ .. 

The  animals  which  the  Monguls  most  prized 
were  camels,  oxen  and  cows,  sheep,  goats,  and 
horses.  They  were  very  proud  of  their  horses, 
and  they  rode  them  with  great  courage  and 


THE  MONGULS.  25 


Their  towns  and  Tillages.  Mode  of  building  their  tents. 

spirit.  They  always  went  mounted  in  going  to 
war.  Their  arms  were  bows  and  arrows,  pikes 
or  spears,  and  a  sort  of  sword  or  sabre,  which 
was  manufactured  in  some  of  the  towns  toward 
the  west,  and  supplied  to  them  in  the  course  of 
trade  by  great  traveling  caravans. 

Although  the  mass  of  the  people  lived  in  the 
open  country  with  their  flocks  and  herds,  there 
were,  notwithstanding,  a  great  many  towns  and 
villages,  though  such  centres  of  population  were 
much  fewer  and  less  important  among  them 
than  they  are  in  countries  the  inhabitants  of 
which  live  by  tilling  the  ground.  Some  of 
these  towns  were  the  residences  of  the  khans 
and  of  the  heads  of  tribes.  Others  were  places 
of  manufacture  or  centres  of  commerce,  and 
many  of  them  were  fortified  with  embankments^ 
of  earth  or  walls  of  stone. 

The  habitations  of  the  common  people,  even 
those  built  in  the  towns,  were  rude  huts  made 
so  as  to  be  easily  taken  down  and  removed. 
The  tents  were  made  by  means  of  poles  set  in 
a  circle  in  the  ground,  and  brought  nearly  to- 
gether at  the  top,  so  as  to  form  a  frame  similar  5 
to  that  of  an  Indian  wigwam.  A  hoop  was 
placed  near  the  top  of  these  poles,  so  as  to  pre- 
serve a  round  opening  there  for  the  smoke  to 
go  out.  The  frame  was  then  covered  with 


26  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Bad  fneL  Comfortless  homos. 

sheets  of  a  sort  of  thick  gray  felt,  so  placed  as 
to  leave  the  opening  within  the  hoop  free.  The 
felt,  too,  was  arranged  below  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  corner  of  one  of  the  sheets  could  be 
raised  and  let  down  again  to  form  a  sort  of 
door.  The  edges  of  the  sheets  in  other  places 
were  fastened  together  very  carefully,  especially 
in  winter,  to  keep  out  the  cold  air. 

Within  the  tent,  on  the  ground  in  the  centre, 
the  family  built  their  fire,  which  was  made  of 
sticks,  leaves,  grass,  and  dried  droppings  of  all 
sorts,  gathered  from  the  ground,  for  the  coun- 
try produced  scarcely  any  wood.  Countries 
roamed  over  by  herds  of  animals  that  gain 
their  living  by  pasturing  on  the  grass  and 
herbage  are  almost  always  destitute  of  trees. 
Trees  in  such  a  case  have  no  opportunity  to 
grow. 

The  tents  of  the  Monguls  thus  made  were, 
of  course,  very  comfortless  homes.  They  could 
not  be  kept  warm,  there  was  so  much  cold  air 
coming  continually  in  through  the  crevices,' 
notwithstanding  all  the  people's  contrivances  >• 
to  make  them  tight.  The  smoke,  too,  did  not 
all  escape  through  the  hoop-hole  above.  Much 
of  it  remained  in  the  tent  and  mingled  with  the 
atmosphere.  This  evil  was  aggravated  by  the 
kind  of  fuel  which  they  used,  which  was  of  such 


THE  MONGULS.  27 


Movable  houses  built  at  last. 


a  nature  that  it  made  only  a  sort  of  smoulder- 
ing fire  instead  of  burning,  like  good  dry  wood, 
with  a  bright  and  clear  flame. 

The  discomforts  of  these  huts  and  tents  were 
increased  by  the  custom  which  prevailed  among 
the  people  of  allowing  the  animals  to  come  into 
them,  especially  those  that  were  young  and 
feeble,  and  to  live  there  with  the  family. 

In  process  of  time,  as  the  people  increased  in 
riches  and  in  mechanical  skill,  some  of  the 
more  wealthy  chieftains  began  to  build  houses- 
so  large  and  so  handsome  that  they  could  not 
be  conveniently  taken  down  to  be  removed,  and 
then  they  contrived  a  way  of  mounting  them 
upon  trucks  placed  at  the  four  corners,  and 
moving  them  bodily  in  this  way  across  the 
plains,  as  a  table  is  moved  across  a  floor  upon 
its  castors.  It  was  necessary,  of  course,  that 
the  houses  should  be  made  very  light  in  order 
to  be  managed  in  this  way.  They  were,  in 
fact,  still  tents  rather  than  houses,  being  made 
of  the  same  materials,  only  they  were  put  to- 
gether in  a  more  substantial  and  ornamental 
manner.  The  frame  was  made  of  very  light 
poles,  though  these  poles  were  fitted  together 
in  perjuajifijit  joinings.  The  covering  was,  like 
that  of  the  tents,  made  of  felt,  but  the  sheets 
were  joined  together  by  close  and  strong  seams, 


28  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

The  painting.  Account  of  a  large  movable  house. 

and  the  whole  was  coated  with  a  species  of 
paint,  which  not  only  closed  all  the  pores  and 
interstices  and  made  the  structure  very  tight, 
but'  also  served  to  ornament  it ;  for  they  were 
accustomed,  in  painting  these  houses,  to  adorn 
the  covering  with  pictures  of  birds,  beasts,  and 
trees,  represented  in  such  a  manner  as  doubt- 
less, in  their  eyes,  produced  a  very  beautiful 
effect. 

These  movable  houses  were  sometimes  very- 
large.  A  certain  traveler  who  visited  the  coun- 
try not  far  from  the  time  of  Genghis  Khan  says 
that  he  saw  one  of  these  structures  in  motion 
which  was  thirty  feet  in  diameter.  It  was 
drawn  by  twenty-two  oxen.  It  was  so  large 
that  it  extended  five  feet  on  each  side  beyond 
the  wheels.  The  oxen,  in  drawing  it,  were  not 
attached,  as  with  us,  to  the  centre  of  the  for- 
ward axle-tree,  but  to  the  ends  of  the  axle-trees, 
which  projected  beyond  the  wheels  on  each 
side.  There  were  eleven  oxen  on  each  side 
drawing  upon  the  axle-trees.  There  were,  of 
course,  many  drivers.  The  one  who  was  chief 
in  command  stood  in  the  door  of  the  tent  or 
house  which  looked  forward,  and  there,  with 
many  loud  shouts  and  flourishing  gesticulations, 
issued  his  orders  to  the  oxen  and  to  the  other 
men. 


THE  MONGULS.  29 

The  traveling  chests.  Necessity  of  such  an  arrangement. 

The  household  goods  of  this  traveling  chief- 
tain were  packed  in  chests  made  for  the  pur- 
pose, the  house  itself,  of  course,  in  order  to  be 
made  as  light  as  possible,  having  been  emptied 
of  all  its  contents.  These  chests  were  large, 
and  were  made  of  wicker  or  basket-work,  cov- 
ered, like  the  house,  with  felt.  The  covers 
were  made  of  a  rounded  form,  so  as  to  throw 
off  the  rain,  and  the  felt  was  painted  over  with 
a  certain  composition  which  made  it  impervious 
to  the  water.  These  chests  were  not  intended 
to  be  unpacked  at  the  end  of  the  journey,  but 
to  remain  as  they  were,  as  permanent  store- 
houses of  utensils,  clothing,  and  provisions. 
They  were  placed  in  rows,  each  on  its  own  cart, 
near  the  tent,  where  they  could  be  resorted  to 
conveniently  from  time  to  time  by  the  serv- 
ants and  attendants,  as  occasion  might  require. 
The  tent  placed  in  the  centre,  with  these  great 
chests  on  their  carts  near  it,  formed,  as  it  were, 
a  house  with  one  great  room  standing  by  itself, 
and  all  the  little  rooms  and  closets  arranged  in 
rows  by  the  side  of  it. 

Some  such  arrangement  as  this  is  obviously 
necessary  in  case  of  a  great  deal  of  furniture  or 
baggage  belonging  to  a  man  who  lives  in  a 
tent,  and  who  desires  to  be  at  liberty  to  re- 
move his  whole  establishment  from  place  to 


30  GENGHIS  KHAN. 


Houses  in  the  towns. 


place  at  short  notice;  for  a  tent,  from  the 
very  principle  of  its  construction,  is  incapable 
of  being  divided  into  rooms,  or  of  accommo- 
dating extensive  stores  of  furniture  or  goods. 
Of  course,  a  special  contrivance  is  required  for 
the  accommodation  of  this  species  of  property. 
This  was  especially  the  case  with  the  Monguls, 
among  whom  there  were  many  rich  and  great 
men  who  often  accumulated  a  large  amount  of 
movable  property.  There  was  one  rich  Mon- 
gul,  it  was  said,  who  had  two  hundred  such 
chest-carts,  which  were  arranged  in  two  rows 
around  and  behind  his  tent,  so  that  his  estab- 
lishment, when  he  was  encamped,  looked  like 
quite  a  little  village. 

The  style  of  building  adopted  among  the 
Monguls  for  tents  and  movable  houses  seemed 
to  set  the  fashion  for  all  their  houses,  even  for 
those  that  were  built  in  the  towns,  and  were 
meant  to  stand  permanently  where  they  were 
first  set  up.  These  permanent  houses  were  lit- 
tle better  than  tents.  They  consisted  each  of 
one  single  room  without  any  subdivisions  what- 
ever. They  were  made  round,  too,  like  the 
tents,  only  the  top,  instead  of  running  up  to  a 
point,  was  rounded  like  a  dome.  There  were 
no  floors  above  that  formed  on  the  ground,  and 
no  windows. 


Tt/E    MONGULS.  31 

Roads  over  the  plains.  Tribes  and  famfliei. 

Such  was  the  general  character  of  the  dwell- 
ings of  the  Monguls  in  the  days  of  Genghis 
Khan.  They  took  their  character  evidently 
from  the  wandering  and  pastoral  life  that  the 
people  led.  One  would  have  thought  that  very 
excellent  roads  would  have  been  necessary  to 
have  enabled  them  to  draw  the  pjanflerous 
carts  containing  their  dwellings  and  household 
goods.  But  this  was  less  necessary  than  might 
have  been  supposed  on  account  of  the  nature 
of  the  country,  which  consisted  chiefly  of  im- 
mense grassy  plains  and  smooth  river  valleys, 
over  which,  in  many  places,  wheels  would  travel 
tolerably  well  in  any  direction  without  much 
making  of  roadway.  Then,  again,  in  all  such 
countries,  the  people  who  journey  from  place 
to  place,  and  the  herds  of  cattle  that  move  to 
and  fro,  naturally  fall  into  the  same  lines  of 
travel,  and  thus,  in  time,  wear  great  trails,  as 
cows  make  paths  in  a  pasture.  These,  with  a 
little  artificial  improvement  at  certain  points, 
make  very  good  summer  roads,  and  in  the  win- 
ter it  is  not  necessary  to  use  them  at  all. 

The  Monguls,  like  the  ancient  Jews,  were 
divided  into  tribes,  and  these  were  subdivided 
into  families ;  a  family  meaning  in  this  connec- 
tion not  one  household,  but  a  large  congeries 
of  households,  including  all  those  that  were 


32  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Influence  of  diversity  of  pursuits. 

of  known  relationship  to  each  other.  These 
groups  of  relatives  had  each  its  head,  and  the 
tribe  to  which  they  pertained  had  also  its  gen- 
eral head.  There  were,  it  is  said,  three  sets  of 
these  tribes,  forming  three  grand  divisions  of  the 
Mongul  people,  each  of  which  was  ruled  by  its 
own  khan ;  and  then,  to  complete  the  system, 
there  was  the  grand  khan,  who  ruled  over  all. 
A  constitution  of  society  like  this  almost  al- 
ways prevails  in  pastoral  countries,  and  we 
shall  see,  on  a  little  TyflfTJiJftT1)  that  it  is  natural 
that  it  should  do  so.  In  a  country  like  ours, 
where  the  pursuits  of  men  are  so  infinitely  <^. 
versified,  the  descendants  of  different  families 
become  mingled  together  in  the  most  promis- 
cuous manner.  The  son  of  a  farmer  in  one 
state  goes  off,  as  soon  as  he  is  of  age,  to  some 
other  state,  to  find  a  place,  among  merchants  or 
manufacturers,  because  he  wishes  to  be  a  mer 
chant  or  a  manufacturer  himself,  while  his  fa- 
ther supplies  his  place  on  the  farm  perhaps  by 
hiring  a  man  who  likes  farming,  and  has  come 
hundreds  of  miles  in  search  of  work.  Thus 
the  descendants  of  one  American  grandfather 
and  grandmother  will  be  found,  after  a  lapse 
of  a  few  years,  scattered  in  every  direction  all 
over  the  land,  and,  indeed,  sometimes  all  over 
the  world. 


THE  MONGULS.  38 

Tribes  and  clans.  Mode  of  making  war. 

It  is  the  diversity  of  pursuits  which  prevails 
in  such  a  country  as  ours,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  diversity  of  capacity,  and  of  taste  in 
different  individuals,  that  produces  this  disper- 
sion. 

Among  a  people  devoted  wholly  to  pastoral 
pursuits,  all  this  is  different.  The  young  men, 
as  they  grow  up,  can  have  generally  no  induce- 
ment to  leave  their  homes.  They  continue  to 
live  with  their  parents  and  relatives,  sharing 
the  care  of  the  flocks  and  herds,  and  making 
common  cause  with  them  in  every  thing  that 
is  of  common  interest.  It  is  thus  that  those 
great  family  groups  are  formed  which  exist  in 
all  pastoral  countries  under  the  name  of  tribes 
or  clans,  and  form  the  constituent  elements  of 
the  whole  social  and  political  organization  of 
the  people. 

In  case  of  general  war,  each  tribe  of  the  Mon- 
guls  furnished,  of  course,  a  certain  quota  of 
armed  men,  in  proportion  to  its  numbers  and 
strength.  These  men  always  went  to  war,  as 
has  already  been  said,  on  horseback,  and  the 
gpectacle  which  these  troops  presented  in  gal- 
loping in  squadrons  over  the  plains  was  some- 
times very  imposing.  The  shock  of  the  onset 
when  they  charged  in  this  way  upon  the  ene- 
my was  tremendous.  They  were  armed  with 

12—3 


34  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Horsemen.  The  bow  and  arrow. 

bows  and  arrows,  and  also  with  sabres.  As 
they  approached  the  enemy,  they  discharged 
first  a  shower  of  arrows  upon  him,  while  they 
were  in  the  act  of  advancing  at  the  top  of  their 
speed.  Then,  dropping  their  bows  by  they; 
side,  they  would  draw  their  sabres,  and  be  ready, 
as  soon  as  the  horses  fell  upon  the  enemy,  to 
cut  down  all  opposed  to  them  with  the  most 
furious  and  deadly  blows. 

If  they  were  repulsed,  and  compelled  by  a 
superior  force  to  retreat,  they  would  gallop  at 
full  speed  over  the  plains,  turning  at  the  same 
time  in  their  saddles,  and  shooting  at  their  pur- 
suers with  their  arrows  as  coolly,  and  with  as 
correct  an  aim,  almost,  as  if  they  were  still. 
While  thus  retreating  the  trooper  would  guide 
and  control  his  horse  by  his  voice,  and  by  the 
pressure  of  his  heels  upon  his  sides,  so  as  to 
have  both  his  arms  free  for  fighting  his  pur- 
suers. 

These  arrows  were  very  formidqfrlf,  weap- 
ons, it  is  said.  One  of  the  travelers  who  visit- 
ed  the  country  in  those  days  says  that  they 
could  be  shot  with  so  much  force  as  to  pierce 
the  body  of  a  man  entirely  through. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  in  respect 
to  all  such  statements  relating  to  the  efficiency 
of  the  bow  and  arrow,  that  the  force  with  which 


THE  MONGULS. 


35 


The  flying  horseman. 


Nature  of  the  bow  and  arrow. 


SHOOTING   AT  PUBSPEBa 


an  arrow  can  be  thrown  depends  not  upon  any 
independent  action  of  the  bow,  but  altogether 
upon  the  strength  of  the  man  who  draws  it. 
The  bow,  in  straightening  itself  for  the  pr6pul: 
sion  of  the  arrow,  expends  only  the  force  which 
the  man  has  imparted  to  it  by  bending  it ;  so 
that  the  real  power  by  which  the  arrow  is  pro- 
pelled is,  after  all,  the  muscular  strength  of  the 
archer.  It  is  true,  a  great  deal  depends  on  the 
qualities  of  the  bow,  and  also  on  the  skill  of  the 
man  in  using  it,  to  make  all  this  muscular 


GENGHIS  KHAN. 


Superiority  of  fire-arms.  Sources  of  information. 

strength  effective.  With  a  poor  bow,  or  with 
unskillful  management,  a  great  deal  of  it  would 
be  wasted.  But  with  the  best  possible  bow, 
and  with  the  most  c^ojasujnjaaate  skill  of  the 
archer,  it  is  the  strength  of  the  archer's  arm 
which  throws  the  arrow,  after  all. 

It  is  very  different  in  this  respect  with  a  bul- 
let thrown  by  the  force  of  gunpowder  from  the 
barrel  of  a  gun.  The  force  in  this  case  is  the 
explosive  force  of  the  powder,  and  the  bullet  is 
thrown  to  the  same  distance  whether  it  is  a 
very  weak  man  or  a  very  strong  man  that  pulls 
the  trigger. 

But  to  return  to  the  Monguls.  All  the  in- 
formation which  we  can  obtain  in  respect  to 
the  condition  of  the  people  before  the  time  of 
Genghis  Khan  comes  to  us  from  the  reports 
of  travelers  who,  either  as  merchants,  or  as  ejrn: 
fagged  nrg  from  caliphs  or  kings,  made  long 
journeys  into  these  distant  regions,  and  have 
left  records,  more  or  less  complete,  of  their  ad- 
vgnjtuxes,  and  accounts  of  what  they  saw,  in 
writings  which  have  been  preserved  by  the 
learned  men  of  the  East.  It  is  very  doubtful 
how  far  these  accounts  are  to  be  believed.  One 
of  these  travelers,  a  learned  man  named  Salam, 
who  made  a  journey  far  into  the  interior  of 
Asia  by  order  of  the  Caliph  Mohammed  Amin 


THE  MONGULS.  37 

Gog  and  Magog.  Salam. 

Billah,  some  time  before  the  reign  of  Genghis 
Khan,  says  that,  among  other  objects  of  re- 
search and  investigation  which  occupied  his 
mind,  he  was  directed  to  ascertain  the  truth  in 
respect  to  the  two  famous  nations  Gog  and 
Magog,  or,  as  they  are  designated  in  his  ac- 
count, Yagog  and  Magog.  The  story  that  had 
been  told  of  these  two  nations  by  the  Arabian 
writers,  and  which  was  extensively  believed, 
was,  that  the  people  of  Yagog  were  of  the  or- 
dinary size  of  men,  but  those  of  Magog  were 
only  about  two  feet  high.  These  people  had 
made  war  upon  the  neighboring  nations,  and 
had  destroyed  many  cities  and  towns,  but  had 
at  last  been  overpowered  and  shut  up  in  prison. 
Salam,  the  traveler  whom  the  caliph  sent  to 
ascertain  whether  their  accounts  were  true, 
traveled  at  the  head  of  a  caravan  containing 
fifty  men,  and  with  camels  bearing  stores  and 
provisions  for  a  year.  He  was  gone  a  long  time. 
When  he  came  back  he  gave  an  account  of  his 
travels ;  and  in  respect  to  Gog  and  Magog,  he 
said  that  he  had  found  that  the  accounts  which 
had  been  heard  respecting  them  were  true.  He 
traveled  on,  he  said,  from  the  country  of  one 
chieftain  to  another  till  he  reached  the  Caspian 
Sea,  and  then  went  on  beyond  that  sea  for 
thirty  or  forty  days  more.  In  one  place  the 


38  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

AdTentures  of  Salam  and  his  party.  The  wonderful  mountain. 

party  came  to  a  tract  of  low  black  land,  which 
exhaled  an  odor  so  offensive  that  they  were 
obliged  to  use  perfumes  all  the  way  to  over- 
power the  noxious  smells.  They  were  ten  days 
in  crossing  this  fetid  territory.  After  this  they 
went  on  a  month  longer  through  a  desert  coun- 
try, and  at  length  came  to  a  fertile  land  which 
was  covered  with  the  ruins  of  cities  that  the 
people  of  Gog  and  Magog  had  destroyed. 

In  six  days  more  they  reached  the  country 
of  the  nation  by  which  the  people  of  Gog  and 
Magog  had  been  conquered  and  shut  up  in 
prison.  Here  they  found  a  great  many  strong 
castles.  There  was  a  large  city  here  too,  con- 
taining temples  and  academies  of  learning,  and 
also  the  residence  of  the  king. 

The  travelers  took  up  their  abode  in  this 
city  for  a  time,  and  while  they  were  there  they 
made  an  excursion  of  two  days'  journey  into 
the  country  to  see  the  place  where  the  people 
of  Gog  and  Magog  were  confined.  When  they 
arrived  at  the  place  they  found  a  lofty  mount- 
ain. There  was  a  great  opening  made  in  the 
face  of  this  mountain  two  or  three  hundred  feet 
wide.  The  opening  was  protected  on  each  side 
by  enormous  buttresses,  between  which  was 
placed  an  immense  double  gate,  the  buttresses 
and  the  gate  being  all  of  iron.  The  buttresses 


THE  MONGULS.  39 

Great  bolts  and  bare.  The  prisoners. 

were  surmounted  with  an  iron  bulwark,  and 
with  lofty  towers  also  of  iron,  which  were  car- 
ried up  as  high  as  to  the  top  of  the  mountain 
itself.  The  gates  were  of  the  width  of  the 
opening  cut  in  the  mountain,  and  were  seven- 
ty-five feet  high;  and  the  valves,  lintels,  and 
threshold,  and  also  the  bolts,  the  lock,  and  the 
key,  were  all  of  proportional  size. 

Salam,  on  arriving  at  the  place,  saw  all  these 
wonderful  structures  with  his  own  eyes,  and  he 
was  told  by  the  people  there  that  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  governor  of  the  castles  already 
mentioned  to  take  horse  every  Friday  with  ten 
others,  and,  coming  to  the  gate,  to  strike  the 
great  bolt  three  times  with  a  ponderous  ham- 
mer weighing  five  pounds,  when  there  would 
be  heard  a  murmuring  noise  within,  which  were 
the  groans  of  the  Yagog  and  Magog  people  con- 
fined in  the  mountain.  Indeed,  Salam  was  told 
that  the  poor  captives  often  appeared  on  the 
battlements  above.  Thus  the  real  existence  of 
this  people  was,  in  his'  opinion,  fully  proved; 
and  even  the  story  in  respect  to  the  diminutive 
size  of  the  Magogs  was  substantiated,  for  Salam 
was  told  that  once,  in  a  high  wind,  three  of  them 
were  blown  off  from  the  battlements  to  the 
ground,  and  that,  on  being  measured,  they  were 
found  but  three  spans  high. 


40  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Travelers'  tales.  Progress  of  intelligence. 

This  is  a  specimen  of  the  tales  brought  home 
from  remote  countries  by  the  most  learned  and 
accomplished  travelers  of  those  times.  In  com- 
paring these  absurd  and  ridiculous  tales  with 
the  reports  which  are  brought  back  from  dis- 
tant regions  in  our  days  by  such  travelers  as 
Humboldt,  Livingstone,  and  Kane,  we  shall 
perceive  what  an  immense  progress  in  intelli- 
gence and  information  the  human  mind  has 
made  since  those  days. 


YEZONKAI  KHAN.  41 

Yezonkai  Behadr.  Orthography  of  Mongul  names. 


CHAPTER  III. 
YEZONKAI  KHAN. 

flpHE  name  of  the  father  of  Genghis  Khan  is 
J-  a  word  which  can  not  be  pronounced  ex- 
actly in  English.  It  sounded  something  like 
this,  Yezonkai  Behadr,  with  the  accent  on  the 
last  syllable,  Behadr,  and  the  a  sounded  like  a 
in  hark.  This  is  as  near  as  we  can  come  to  it ; 
but  the  name,  as  it  was  really  pronounced  by 
the  Mongul  people,  can  not  be  written  in  En- 
glish letters  nor  spoken  with  English  sounds. 

Indeed,  in  all  languages  so  entirely  distinct 
from  each  other  as  the  Mongul  language  was 
from  ours,  the  sounds  are  different,  and  the  let- 
ters by  which  the  sounds  are  represented  are 
different  too.  Some  of  the  sounds  are  so  ut- 
terly unlike  any  sounds  that  we  have  in  En- 
glish that  it  is  as  impossible  to  write  them  in 
English  characters  as  it  is  for  us  to  write  in 
English  letters  the  sound  that  a  man  makes 
when  he  chirps  to  his  horse  or  his  dog,  or  when 
he  whistles.  Sometimes  writers  attempt  to  rep- 
resent the  latter  sound  by  the  word  wJiew  ;  and 


42  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

Great  diversities.  Yezonkai's  powsr. 

when,  in  reading  a  dialogue,  we  come  to  the 
word  whew,  inserted  to  express  a  part  of  what 
one  of  the  speakers  uttered,  we  understand  by 
it  that  he  whistled ;  but  how  different,  after  all, 
is  the  sound  of  the  spoken  word  whew  from  the 
whistling  sound  that  it  is  intended  to  repre- 
sent! 

Now,  in  all  the  languages  of  Asia,  there  are 
many  sounds  as  impossible  to  be  rendered  by 
the  European  letters  as  this,  and  in  making 
the  attempt  every  different  writer  falls  into  a 
different  mode.  Thus  the  first  name  of  Gen- 
ghis Khan's  father  is  spelled  by  different  trav- 
elers and  historians,  YezonKai,  Yesukay,  Yes- 
suki,  Yesughi,  Bissukay,  Bisukay,  Pisukay,  and 
in  several  other  ways.  The  real  sound  was  un- 
doubtedly as  different  from  any  of  these  as  they 
were  all  different  from  each  other.  In  this  nar- 
rative I  shall  adopt  the  first  of  these  methods, 
and  call  him  Yezonkai  Behadr. 

Yezonkai  was  a  great  khan,  and  he  descend- 
ed in  a  direct  line  through  ten  generations,  so 
it  was  said,  from  a  deity.  Great  sovereigns  in 
those  countries  and  times  were  very  fond  of 
tracing  back  their  descent  to  some  divine  ori- 
gin, by  way  of  establishing  more  fully  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  their  divine  right  to  the 
throne.  Yezonkai's  residence  was  at  a  great 


YEZONKAI  KHAN.  45 

A  successful  warrior.  Katay. 

palace  in  the  country,  called  by  a  name,  the 
sound  of  which,  as  nearly  as  it  can  be  repre- 
sented in  English  letters,  was  Diloneldak.  From 
this,  his  capital,  he  used  to  make  warlike  ex- 
cursions at  the  head  of  hordes  of  Monguls  into 
the  surrounding  countries,  in  the  prosecution 
of  quarrels  which  he  made  with  them  under 
various  pretexts ;  and  as  he  was  a  skillful  com- 
mander, and  had  great  influence  in  inducing  all 
the  inferior  khans  to  bring  large  troops  of  men 
from  their  various  tribes  to  add  to  his  army,  he 
was  usually  victorious,  and  in  this  way  he  ex- 
tended his  empire  very  considerably  while  he 
lived,  and  thus  made  a  very  good  preparation 
for  the  subsequent  exploits  of  his  son. 

The  northern  part  of  China  was  at  that  time 
entirely  separated  from  the  southern  part,  and 
was  under  a  different  government.  It  consti- 
tuted an  entirely  distinct  country,  and  was  call- 
ed Katay.*  This  country  was  under  the  do- 
minion of  a  chieftain  called  the  Khan  of  Katay. 
This  khan  was  very  jealous  of  the  increasing 
power  of  Yezonkai,  and  took  part  against  him 
in  all  his  wars  with  the  tribes  around  him,  and 
assisted  them  in  their  attempts  to  resist  him ; 
but  he  did  not  succeed.  Yezonkai  was  too 

*  Spelled  variously  Kathay,  Katay,  Kitay,  and  in  other 
ways. 


46  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1163. 

The  Khan  of  Temujin.  Mongul  custom. 

powerful  for  them,  and  went  on  extending  his 
conquests  far  and  wide. 

At  last,  under  the  pretense  of  some  affront 
which  he  had  received  from  them,  Yezonkai 
made  war  upon  a  powerful  tribe  of  Tartars  that 
lived  in  his  neighborhood.  He  invaded  their 
territories  at  the  head  of  an  immense  horde  of 
Mongul  troops,  and  began  seizing  and  driving 
off  their  cattle. 

The  name  of  the  khan  who  ruled  over  these 
people  was  Temujin.  Temujin  assembled  his 
forces  as  soon  as  he  could,  and  went  to  meet 
the  invaders.  A  great  battle  was  fought,  and 
Yezonkai  was  victorious.  Temujin  was  defeat- 
ed and  put  to  flight.  Yezonkai  encamped  aft- 
er the  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Amoor, 
near  a  mountain.  He  had  all  his  family  with 
him,  for  it  was  often  the  custom,  in  these  enter- 
prises, for  the  chieftain  to  take  with  him  not 
only  all  his  household,  but  a  large  portion  of 
his  household  goods.  Yezonkai  had  several 
wives,  and  almost  immediately  after  the  battle, 
one  of  them,  named  Olan  Ayka,  gave  birth  to 
a  son.  Yezonkai,  fresh  from  the  battle,  de- 
termined to  commemorate  his  victory  by  giv- 
ing his  new-born  son  the  name  of  his  vanquish- 
ed enemy.  So  he  named  him  Temujin.*  His 
*  The  name  is  intended  to  be  pronounced  Tim-oo-zhin. 


1163.]          YEZONKAI  KHAN.  47 

Birth  of  Genghis  Khan.  Predictions  of  the  astrologer. 

birth  took  place,  as  nearly  as  can  now  be  ascer- 
tained, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1163. 

Such  were  the  circumstances  of  our  hero's 
birth,  for  it  was  this  Temujin  who  afterward 
became  renowned  throughout  all  Asia  under 
the  name  of  Genghis  Khan.  Through  all  the 
early  part  of  his  life,  however,  he  was  always 
known  by  the  name  which  his  father  gave  him 
in  the  tent  by  the  river  side  where  he  was 
born. 

Among  the  other  grand  personages  in  Ye- 
zonkai's  train  at  this  time,  there  was  a  certain 
old  astrologer  named  Sugujin.  He  was  a  rela- 
tive of  Yezonkai,  and  also  his  principal  minis- 
ter of  state.  This  man,  by  his  skill  in  astrol- 
ogy, which  he  applied  to  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  the  child,  foretold  for  him  at  once  a 
wonderful  career.  He  would  grow  up,  the  as- 
trologer said,  to  be  a  great  warrior.  He  would 
conquer  all  his  enemies,  and  extend  his  con- 
quests so  far  that  he  would,  in  the  end,  become 
the  Khan  of  all  Tartary.  Young  Temujin's 
parents  were,  of  course,  greatly  pleased  with 
these  predictions,  and  when,  not  long  after  this 
time,  the  astrologer  died,  they  appointed  his 
son,  whose  name  was  Karasher,  to  be  the  guard- 
ian and  instructor  of  the  boy.  They  trusted, 
it  seems,  to  the  son  to  give  the  young  princ& 


48  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Explanation  of  tbe  predictions.  Karasher. 

such  a  training  in  early  life  as  should  prepare 
him  to  realize  the  grand  destiny  which  the  fa- 
ther had  foretold  for  him. 

There  would  be  something  remarkable  in  the 
fact  that  these  predictions  were  uttered  at  the 
birth  of  Genghis  Khan,  since  they  were  after- 
ward so  completely  fulfilled,  were  it  not  that 
similar  prognostications  of  greatness  and  glory 
were  almost  always  offered  to  the  fathers  and 
mothers  of  young  princes  in  those  days  by 
the  astrologers  and  soothsayers  of  their  courts. 
Such  promises  were,  of  course,  very  flattering 
to  these  parents  at  the  time,  and  brought  those  " 
who  made  them  into  great  favor.  Then,  in  the 
end,  if  the  result  verified  them,  they  were  re- 
membered and  recorded  as  something  wonder- 
ful ;  if  not,  they  were  forgotten. 

Karasher,  the  astrologer's  son,  who  had  been 
appointed  young  Temujin's  tutor,  took  his  pupil 
under  his  charge,  and  began  to  form  plans  for 
educating  him.  Karasher  was  a  man  of  great 
talents  and  of  considerable  attainments  in  learn- 
ing, so  far  as  there  could  be  any  thing  like 
learning  in  such  a  country  and  among  such  a 
people.  He  taught  him  the  names  of  the  va- 
rious tribes  that  lived  in  the  countries  around, 
and  the  names  of  the  principal  chieftains  that 
ruled  over  them.  He  also  gave  him  such  in- 


1175.]         YEZONKAI  KHAN.  49 

Education  of  Temujin.  His  precocity. 

formation  as  he  possessed  in  respect  to  the  coun- 
tries themselves,  describing  the  situation  of  the 
mountains,  the  lakes,  and  the  rivers,  and  the 
great  deserts  which  here  and  there  intervened  I*T~J 
between  the  fertile  regions.  He  taught  him, 
moreover,  to  ride,  and  trained  him  in  all  such 
athletic  exercises  as  were  practiced  by  the  youth 
of  those  times.  He  instructed  him  also  in  the 
use  of  arms,  teaching  him  how  to  shoot  with  a 
bow  and  arrow,  and  how  to  hold  and  handle 
his  sabre,  both  when  on  horseback  and  when 
on  foot.  He  particularly  instructed  him  in  the 
art  of  shooting  his  arrow  in  any  direction  when 
riding  at  a  gallop  upon  his  horse,  behind  as 
well  as  before,  and  to  the  right  side  as  well  as 
to  the  left.  To  do  this  coolly,  skillfully,  and 
with  a  true  aim,  required  great  practice  as  well 
as  much  courage  and  presence  of  mind. 

Young  Temujin  entered  into  all  these  things 
with  great  spirit.  Indeed,  he  very  soon  ceased 
to  feel  any  interest  in  any  thing  else,  so  that  by 
the  time  that  he  was  nine  years  of  age  it  was 
said  that  he  thought  of  nothing  but  exercising 
himself  in  the  use  of"  arms. 

Nine  years  of  age,  however,  with  him  was 
more  than  it  would  be  with  a  young  man 
among  us,  for  the  Asiatics  arrive  at  maturity 
much  earlier  than  the  nations  of  Western  Eu- 

12—4 


50  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

His  sarly  marriage.  Plans  of  Temujin's  father. 

rope  and  America.  Indeed,  by  the  time  that 
Temujin  was  thirteen  years  old,  his  father  con- 
sidered him  a  man — at  least  he  considered  him 
old  enough  to  be  married.  He  was  married, 
in  fact,  and  had  two  children  before  he  was  fif- 
teen, if  the  accounts  which  the  historians  have 
given  us  respecting  him  are  true. 

Just  before  Temujin  was  thirteen,  his  father, 
in  one  of  his  campaigns  in  Katay,  was  defeated 
in  a  battle,  and,  although  a  great  many  of  his 
followers  escaped,  he  himself  was  surrounded 
and  overpowered  by  the  horsemen  of  the  enemy, 
and  was  made  prisoner.  He  was  put  under  the 
care  of  a  guard ;  for,  of  course,  among  people 
living  almost  altogether  on  horseback  and  in 
tents,  there  could  be  very  few  prisons.  Ye- 
zonkai  followed  the  camp  of  his  conqueror  for 
some  time  under  the  custody  of  his  guard ;  but 
at  length  he  succeeded  in  bribing  his  keeper  to 
let  him  escape,  and  so  contrived,  after  encoun 
tering  many  difficulties  and  suffering  many 
hardships,  to  make  his  way  back  to  his  own 
country. 

He  was  determined  now  to  make  a  new  in- 
cursion into  Katay,  and  that  with  a  larger  force 
than  he  had  had  before.  So  he  made  an  alli- 
ance with  the  chieftain  of  a  neighboring  tribe, 
called  the  Naymans ;  and,  in  order  to  seal  and 


1175.]         YEZONKAI   KHAN.  51 

Karizn.  Tayian.  Death  of  Yezonkai. 

establish  this  alliance,  he  contracted  that  his 
son  should  marry  the  daughter  of  his  ally. 
This  was  the  time  when  Temujin  was  but  thir- 
teen years  old.  The  name  of  this  his  first  wife 
was  Karizu — at  least  that  was  one  of  her 
names.  Her  father's  name  was  Tayian. 

Before  Yezonkai  had  time  to  mature  his 
plans  for  his  new  invasion  of  Katay,  he  fell 
sick  and  died.  He  left  five  sons  and  a  daughter, 
it  is  said ;  but  Temujin  seems  to  have  been  the 
oldest  of  them  all,  for  by  his  will  his  father  left 
his  kingdom,  if  the  command  of  the  group  of 
tribes  which  were  under  his  sway  can  be  called 
a  kingdom,  to  him,  notwithstanding  that  he  was 
yet  only  thirteen  years  old. 


62  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 


Temujin'e  accession. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  FIRST  BATTLE. 

the  language  of  the  Monguls  and  of  their 
neighbors  the  Tartars,  a  collection  of  tribes 
banded  together  under  one  chieftain  was  desig- 
nated by  a  name  which  sounded  like  the  word 
orda.  This  is  the  origin,  it  is  said,  of  the  En- 
glish word  horde. 

The  orda  over  which  Yezonkai  had  ruled, 
and  the  command  of  which,  at  his  death,  he  left 
to  his  son,  consisted  of  a  great  number  of  sep- 
arate tribes,  each  of  which  had  its  own  particu- 
lar chieftain.  All  these  subordinate  chieftains 
were  content  to  be  under  Yezonkai's  rule  and 
leadership  while  he  lived.  He  was  competent, 
they  thought,  to  direct  their  movements  and  to 
lead  them  into  battle  against  their  enemies. 
But  when  he  died,  leaving  only  a  young  man 
thirteen  years  of  age  to  succeed  him,  several  of 
them  were  disposed  to  rebel.  There  were  two 
of  them,  in  particular,  who  thought  that  they 
were  themselves  better  qualified  to  reign  over 
the  nation  than  such  a  boy ;  so  they  formed 


1175.]       THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  58 

Taychot  and  Chamuka.  Arrangements  for  the  battle. 

an  alliance  with  each  other,  and  with  such  other 
tribes  as  were  disposed  to  join  them,  and  ad- 
vanced to  make  war  upon  Temujin  at  the  head 
of  a  great  number  of  squadrons  of  troops, 
amounting  in  all  to  thirty  thousand  men. 

The  names  of  the  two  leaders  of  this  rebel- 
lion were  Taychot  and  Chamuka. 

Young  Temujin  depended  chiefly  on  his 
mother  for  guidance  and  direction  in  this  emerg- 
ency. He  was  himself  very  brave  and  spirited ; 
but  bravery  and  spirit,  though  they  are  of  such 
vital  importance  in  a  commander  on  the  field 
of  battle,  when  the  contest  actually  comes  on, 
are  by  no  means  the  principal  qualities  that  are 
required  in  making  the  preliminary  arrange- 
ments. 

Accordingly,  Temujin  left  the  forming  of  the 
plans  to  his  mother,  while  he  thought  only  of 
his  horses,  of  his  arms  and  equipments,  and  of 
the  fury  with  which  he  would  gallop  in  among 
the  enemy  when  the  time  should  arrive  for  the 
battle  to  begin.  His  mother,  in  connection  with 
the  chief  officers  of  the  army  and  counselors  of 
state  who  were  around  her,  and  on  whom  her 
husband  Yezonkai,  during  his  lifetime,  had  been 
most,  accustomed  to  rely,  arranged  all  the  plans. 
They  sent  off  messengers  to  the  heads  of  all 
the  tribes  that  they  supposed  would  be  friendly 


64  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Temujin's  ardor.  Porgie. 

to  Temujin,  and  appointed  places  of  rendezvous 
for  the  troops  that  they  were  to  send.  They 
made  arrangements  for  the  stores  of  provisions 
which  would  be  required,  settled  questions  of 
precedence  among  the  different  clans,  regulated 
the  order  of  march,  and  attended  to  all  other 
necessary  details. 

In  the  mean  time,  Temujin  thought  only  of 
the  approaching  battle.  He  was  engaged  con- 
tinually in  riding  up  and  down  upon  spirited 
horses,  and  shooting  in  all  directions,  backward 
2*AU*-and  forward,  and  both  to  the  right  side  and  to 
r  the  left,  with  his  bow  and  arrow.  Nor  was  all 
this  exhibition  of  ardor  on  his  part  a  mere  use- 
less display.  It  had  great  influence  in  awaken- 
ing a  corresponding  ardor  among  the  chieftains 
of  the  troops,  and  among  the  troops  themselves. 
They  felt  proud  of  the  spirit  and  energy  which 
their  young  prince  displayed,  and  were  more 
and  more  resolved  to  exert  themselves  to  the 
utmost  in  defending  his  cause. 

There  was  another  young  prince,  of  the  name 
of  Porgie,  of  about  Temujin's  age,  who  was  also 
full  of  ardor  for  the  fight.  He  was  the  chief- 
tain of  one  of  the  tribes  that  remained  faithful 
to  Temujin,  and  he  was  equally  earnest  with 
Temujin  for  the  battle  to  begin. 

At  length  the  troops  were  ready,  and,  with 


1175.]       THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  55 


Exaggerated  statements. 


Temujin  and  his  mother  at  the  head  of  them, 
they  went  forth  to  attack  the  rebels.  The  reb- 
els were  ready  to  receive  them.  They  were 
thirty  thousand  strong,  according  to  the  state- 
ments of  the  historians.  This  number  is 
probably  exaggerated,  as  all  numbers  were 
in  those  days,  when  there  was  no  regular  en- 
-i  rollment  of  troops  and  no  strict  system  of  enu- 

At  any  rate,  there  was  a  very  great  battle. 
Immense  troops  of  horsemen  coming  at  full 
speed  in  opposite  directions  shot  showers  of  ar- 
rows at  each  other  when  they  arrived  at  the 
proper  distance  for  the  arrows  to  take  effect, 
and  then,  throwing  down  their  bows  and  draw- 
ing their  sabres,  rushed  madly  on,  until  they 
came  together  with  an  awful  shock,  the  dread- 
ful confusion  and  terror  of  which  no  person 
can  describe.  The  air  was  filled  with  the  most 
terrific  outcries,  in  which  yells  of  fury,  shrieks 
of  agony,  and  shouts  of  triumph  were  equally 
'  mingled.  Some  of  the  troops  maintained  their 
position  through  the  shock,  and  rode  on,  bear- 
ing down  all  before  them.  Others  were  over- 
thrown and  trampled  in  the  dust;  while  all, 
both  those  who  were  up  and  those  who  were 
down,  were  cutting  in  every  direction  with  their 
sabres,  killing  men  and  inciting  the  horses  to 


66  GENGHIS  KHAN.          [1175. 


Bravery  of  Temujin  and  Porgie. 


redoubled  fury  by  the  wounds  which  they  gave 
them. 

In  the  midst  of  such  scenes  as  these  Temujin 
and  Porgie  fought  furiously  with  the  rest. 
Temujin  distinguished  himself  greatly.  It  ig 
probable  that  those  who  were  immediately 
around  him  felt  that  he  was  under  their  charge, 
and  that  they  must  do  all  in  their  power  to  pro- 
tect him  from  danger.  This  they  could  do 
much  more  easily  and  effectually  under  the 
mode  of  fighting  which  prevailed  in  those  days 
than  would  be  possible  now,  when  gunpowder 
is  the  principal  agent  of  destruction.  Temu- 
jin's  attendants  and  followers  could  gather 
around  him  and  defend  him  from  assailants. 
They  could  prevent  him  from  charging  any 
squadron  which  was  likely  to  be  strong  enough 
to  overpower  him,  and  they  could  keep  his  en- 
emies so  much  at  bay  that  they  could  not  reach 
him  with  their  sabres.  But  upon  a  modem 
field  of  battle  there  is  much  less  opportunity 
to  protect  a  young  prince  or  general's  son,  or 
other  personage  whose  life  may  be  considered 
as  peculiarly  valuable.  No  precautions  of  hia 
attendants  can  prevent  a  bomb's  bursting  at  hij 
feet,  or  shield  him  from  the  rifle  balls  that  come 
whistling  from  such  great  distances  through  the 
air. 


1175.]       THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  57 

Influence  of  Temujin's  example.  Taychot  slain.  The  victwy. 

At  any  rate,  whether  protected  by  his  attend- 
ants or  only  by  the  fortune  of  war,  Temujin 
passed  through  the  battle  without  being  hurt, 
and  the  courage  and  energy  which  he  display- 
ed were  greatly  commended  by  all  who  wit- 
nessed them.  His  mother  was  in  the  battle  too, 
though,  perhaps,  not  personally  involved  in  the 
actual  conflicts  of  it.  She  directed  the  ma- 
noeuvres, however,  and  by  her  presence  and 
her  activity  greatly  encouraged  and  animated 
the  men.  In  consequence  of  the  spirit  and  en- 
ergy infused  into  the  troops  by  her  presence, 
and  by  the  extraordinary  ardor  and  bravery  of 
Temujin,  the  battle  was  gained.  The  army  of 
the  enemy  was  put  to  flight.  One  of  the  lead- 
ers, Taychot,  was  slain.  The  other  made  his 
escape,  and  Temujin  and  his  mother  were  left 
in  possession  of  the  field. 

Of  course,  after  having  fought  with  so  much 
energy  and  effect  on  such  a  field,  Temujin  was 
now  no  longer  considered  as  a  boy,  but  took 
his  place  at  once  as  a  man  among  men,  and  was 
immediately  recognized  by  all  the  army  as 
their  prince  and  sovereign,  and  as  fully  entitled, 
by  his  capacity  if  not  by  his  years,  to  rule  in  his 
own  name.  He  assumed  and  exercised  his 
powers  with  as  much  calmness  and  self-posses* 
Bion  as  if  he  had  been  accustomed  to  them  for 


58  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Rewards  and  honors.  Temujin's  rising  fame. 

many  years.  lie  made  addresses  to  his  officers 
and  soldiers,  and  distributed  honors  and  re- 
wards to  them  with  a  combined  majesty  and 
grace  which,  in  their  opinion,  denoted  much 
grandeur  of  soul.  The  rewards  and  honors 
were  characteristic  of  the  customs  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  times.  They  consisted  of  horses, 
arms,  splendid  articles  of  dress,  and  personal 
ornaments.  Of  course,  among  a  people  who 
lived,  as  it  were,  always  on  horseback,  such 
objects  as  these  were  the  ones  most  highly 
prized. 

The  consequence  of  this  victory  was,  that 
nearly  the  whole  country  occupied  by  the  reb- 
els submitted  without  any  farther  resistance  to 
Temujin's  sway.  Other  tribes,  who  lived  on 
the  borders  of  his  dominions,  sent  in  to  pro- 
pose treaties  of  alliance.  The  khan  of  one  of 
these  tribes  demanded  of  Temujin  the  hand  of 
his  sister  in  marriage  to  seal  and  confirm  the 
alliance  which  he  proposed  to  make..  In  a 
word,  the  fame  of  Temujin's  prowess  spread 
rapidly  after  the  battle  over  all  the  surround- 
ing countries,  and  high  anticipations  began  to 
be  formed  of  the  greatness  and  glory  of  his 
reign. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  year  Temujin  was 
married  to  his  second  wife,  although  he  was  at 


1175.]       THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  59 

His  second  wife.  Purta  carried  away  captive. 

this  time  only  fourteen  years  old.  The  name 
of  his  bride  was  Purta  Kugin.  By  this  wife, 
who  was  probably  of  about  his  own  age,  he 
had  a  daughter,  who  Was  born  before  the  close 
of  the  year  after  the  marriage. 

In  his  journeys  about  the  country  Tern uj in 
sometimes  took  his  wives  with  him,  and  some- 
times he  left  them  temporarily  in  some  place 
of  supposed  security.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
second  year  Purta  was  again  about  to  become 
a  mother,  and  Temujin,  who  at  that  time  had, 
occasion  to  go  off  on  some  military  expedition, 
fearing  that  the  fatigue  and  exposure  would  be 
more  than  she  could  well  bear,  left  her  at  home. 
While  he  was  gone  a  troop  of  horsemen,  from 
a  tribe  of  his  enemies,  came  suddenly  into  the 
district  on  a  marauding  expedition.  They  over- 
powered the  troops  Temujin  had  left  to  guard 
the  place,  and  seized  and  carried  off  every  thing 
that  they  could  find  that  was  valuable.  They 
made  prisoner  of  Purta,  too,  and  carried  her 
away  a  captive.  The  plunder  they  divided 
among  themselves,  but  Burta  they  sent  as  a 
present  to  a  certain  khan  who  reigned  over  a 
neighboring  country,  and  whose  favor  they 
wished  to  secure.  The  name  of  this  chieftain 
was  Vang  Khan.  As  this  Vang  Khan  figures 
somewhat  conspicuously  in  the  subsequent  his- 


60  GENGHIS  KHAN,          [1175. 

Customary  present.  Purta  and  Vang  Khan. 

tory  of  Temujin,  a  full  account  of  him  will  be 
given  in  the  next  chapter.  All  that  is  neces- 
sary to  say  here  is,  that  the  intention  of  the 
captors  of  Purta,  in  sending  her  to  him  as  a 
present,  was  that  he  should  make  her  his  wife. 
It  was  the  custom  of  these  khans  to  have  as 
many  wives  as  they  could  obtain,  so  that  when 
prisoners  of  high  rank  were  taken  in  war,  if 
there  were  any  young  and  beautiful  women 
among  them,  they  were  considered  as  charm- 
ing presents  to  send  to  any  great  prince  or  po- 
tentate near,  whom  the  captors  were  desirous  of 
pleasing.  It  made  no  difference,  in  such  cases, 
whether  the  person  who  was  to  receive  the  pres- 
ent were  young  or  old.  Sometimes  the  older 
he  was  the  more  highly  he  would  prize  such  a 
gift. 

Vang  Khan,  it  happened,  was  old.  He  was 
old  enough  to  be  Temujin's  father.  Indeed,  he 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  calling  Temujin  his 
son.  He  had  been  in  alliance  with  Yezonkai, 
Temujin's  father,  some  years  before,  when  Te- 
mujin was  quite  a  boy,  and  it  was  at  that  time 
that  he  began  to  call  him  his  son. 

Accordingly,  when  Purta  was  brought  to  him 
by  the  messengers  who  had  been  sent  in  charge 
of  her,  and  presented  to  him  in  his  tent,  he 
said, 


1175.]         THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  63 

Purta's  return.  Birth  of  her  child 

"  She  is  very  beautiful,  but  I  can  not  take 
her  for  my  wife,  for  she  is  the  wife  of  my  son. 
I  can  not  marry  the  wife  of  my  son." 

Yang  Khan,  however,  received  Purta  under 
his  charge,  gave  her  a  place  in  his  household, 
and  took  good  care  of  her. 

When  Temujin  returned  home  from  his  ex- 
pedition, and  learned  what  had  happened  dur- 
ing his  absence,  he  was  greatly  distressed  at  the 
loss  of  his  wife.  Not  long  afterward  he  ascer- 
tained where  she  was,  and  he  immediately  sent 
a  deputation  to  Yang  Khan  asking  him  to  send 
her  home.  With  this  request  Yang  Khan  im- 
mediately complied,  and  Purta  set  out  on  her 
return.  She  was  stopped  on  the  way,  however, 
by  the  birth  of  her  child.  It  was  a  son.  As 
soon  as  the  child  was  born  it  was  determined 
to  continue  the  journey,  for  there  was  danger, 
if  they  delayed,  that  some  new  troop  of  enemies 
might  come  up,  in  which  case  Purta  would  per- 
haps be  made  captive  again.  So  Purta,  it  is 
said,  wrapped  up  the  tender  limbs  of  the  infant 
in  some  sort  of  paste  or  dough,  to  save  them 
from  the  effects  of  the  jolting  produced  by  the 
rough  sort  of  cart  in  which  she  was  compelled 
to  ride,  and  in  that  condition  she  held  the  babe 
in  her  lap  all  the  way  home. 

She  arrived  at  her  husband's  residence  in 


64  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Juglii.  Temujin's  wonderful  dream. 

safety.  Temujin  was  overjoyed  at  seeing  her 
again ;  and  he  was  particularly  pleased  with  his 
little  son,  who  came  out  of  his  packing  safe  and 
sound.  In  noT^pip.Tnoration  of  his  safe  arrival 
after  so  strange  and  dangerous  a  journey,  his 
father  named  him  Safe-arrived ;  that  is,  he  gave 
him  for  a  name  the  word  in  their  language  that 
means  that.  The  word  itself  was  Jughi. 

The  commencement  of  Temujin's  career  was 
thus,  on  the  whole,  quite  prosperous,  and  every 
thing  seemed  to  promise  well.  He  was  him- 
self full  of  ambition  and  of  hope,  and  began  to 
feel  dissatisfied  with  the  empire  which  his  fa- 
ther had  left  him,  and  to  form  plans  for  extend- 
ing it.  He  dreamed  one  night  that  his  arms 
grew  out  to  an  enormouB  length,  and  that  he 
took  a  sword  in  each  of  them,  and  stretched 
them  out  to  see  how  far  they  would  reach, 
pointing  one  to  the  eastward  and  the  other  to 
the  westward.  In  the  morning  he  related  his 
dream  to  his  mother.  She  interpreted  it  to 
him.  She  told  him  it  meant  undoubtedly  that 
he  was  destined  to  become  a  great  conqueror, 
and  that  the  directions  in  which  his  kingdom 
would  be  extended  were  toward  the  eastward 
and  toward  the  westward. 

Temujin  continued  for  about  two  years  after 
this  in  prosperity,  and  then  his  good  fortune 


1175.]        THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  65 

Disaffection  among  his  subjects.       A  rebellion..     Temujin  discouraged. 

began  to  wjJie.  There  came  a  reaction.  Some 
of  the  tribes  under  his  dominion  began  to  grow 
discontented.  The  subordinate  khans  began  to 
form  plots  and  co^T'™0^0  Even  his  own 
tribe  turned  against  him.  Eebellions  broke  out 
in  various  parts  of  his  dominions ;  and  he  was 
obliged  to  make  many  hurried  expeditions  here 
and  there,  and  to  fight  many  desperate  battles 
to  suppress  them.  In  one  of  these  contests  he 
was  taken  prisoner.  He,  however,  contrived 
to  make  his  escape.  He  then  made  pjoposa.k 
to  the  disaffected  khans,  which  he  hoped  would 
satisfy  them,  and  bring  them  once  more  to  sub- 
mit to  him,  since  what  he  thus  offered  to  do  in 
these  proposals  was  pretty  much  all  that  they 
had  pjfyfogHpid  to  require.  But  the  proposals 
did  not  satisfy  them.  What  they  really  intend- 
ed to  do  was  to  depose  Temujin  altogether,  and 
then  either  divide  his  dominions  among  them- 
selves, or  select  some  one  of  their  number  to 
reign  in  his  stead. 

At  last,  Temujin,  finding  that  he  could  not 
pacify  his  enemies,  and  that  they  were,  more- 
over, growing  stronger  every  day,  while  those 
that  adhered  to  him  were  growing  fewer  in 
numbers  and  diminishing  in  strength,  became 
discouraged.  He  began  to  think  that  perhaps 
he  really  was  too  young  to  rule  over  a  kingdom 

12—5 


66  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Temujin  plans  a  temporary  abdication. 

composed  of  wandering  hordes  of  men  so  war- 
like and  wild,  and  he  concluded  for  a  time  to 
give  up  the  attempt,  and  wait  until  times  should 
change,  or,  at  least,  until  he  should  be  grown 
somewhat  older.  Accordingly,  in  conjunction 
with  his  mother,  he  formed  a  plan  for  retiring 
temporarily  from  the  field ;  unless,  indeed,  as 
we  might  reasonably  suspect,  his  mother  form- 
ed the  plan  herself,  and  by  her  influence  over 
him  induced  him  to  adopt  it. 

The  plan  was  this :  that  Temujin  should  send 
an  embassador  to  the  court  of  Yang  Khan  to 
ask  Vang  Khan  to  receive  him,  and  protect  him 
for  a  time  in  his  dominions,  until  the  affairs  of 
his  own  kingdom  should  become  settled.  Then, 
if  Vang  Khan  should  accede  to  this  proposal, 
Temujin  was  to  appoint  his  uncle  to  act  as  re- 
gent during  his  absence.  His  mother,  too,  was 
to  be  married  to  a  certain  emir,  or  prince,  named 
Menglik,  who  was  to  be  made  prime  minister 
under  the  regent,  and  was  to  take  precedence. 
of  all  the  other  princes  or  khans  in  the  king- 
dom. The  government  was  to  be  managed  by 
the  regent  and  the  minister  until  such  time  as 
it  should  be  deemed  expedient  for  Temujin  to 
return. 

This  plan  was  carried  into  effect.  Vang 
Khan  readily  consented  to  receive  Temujin  into 


1175.]        THE  FIRST  BATTLE.  6V 

Arrangement  of  a  regency.  Temujin'g  departure. 

his  dominions,  and  to  protect  him  there.  He 
was  very  ready  to  do  this,  he  said,  on  account 
of  the  friendship  which  he  had  borne  for  Temu- 
jin's  father.  Temujin's  mother  was  married  to 
the  emir,  and  the  emir  was  made  the  first  prince 
of  the  realm.  Finally,  Temujin's  uncle  was 
proclaimed  regent,  and  duly  invested  with  all 
necessary  authority  for  governing  the  country 
until  Temujin's  return.  These  things  being  all 
satisfactorily  arranged,  Temujin  set  out  for  the 
country  of  Vang  Khan  at  the  head  of  an  armed 
escort,  to  protect  him  on  the  way,  of  six  thou- 
sand men.  He  took  with  him  all  his  family, 
and  a  considerable  suite  of  servants  and  attend- 
ants. Among  them  was  his  old  tutor  and 
guardian  Karasher,  the  person  who  had  been 
appointed  by  his  father  to  take  charge  of  him, 
and  to  teach  and  train  him  when  he  was  a  boy. 
Being  protected  by  so  powerful  an  escort^ 
Temujin's  party  were  not  molested  on  their 
journey,  and  they  all  arrived"safely  at  the  court 
of  Vang  Khan. 


68  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1175. 

Karakatay.  Vang  Khan's  dominions. 


CHAPTER  V. 
VANG  KHAN., 

THE  country  ever  which  Vang  Khan  ruled 
was  called  Karakatay.  It  bordered  upon 
the  country  of  Katay,  which  has  already  been 
mentioned  as  forming  the  northern  part  of  what 
is  now  China.  Indeed,  as  its  name  imports,  it 
was  considered  in  some  sense  as  a  portion  of 
the  same  general  district  of  country.  It  was 
that  part  of  Katay  which  was  inhabited  hy 
Tartars. 

Vang  Khan's  name  at  first  was  Togrul.  The 
name  Vang  Khan,  which  was,  in  fact,  a  title 
rather  than  a  name,  was  given  him  long  after- 
ward, when  he  had  attained  to  the  height  of  his 
power.  To  avoid  confusion,  however,  we  shall 
drop  the  name  Togrul,  and  call  him  Vang  Khan 
from  the  beginning. 

Vang  Khan  was  descended  from  a  powerful 
line  of  khans  who  had  reigned  over  Karakatay 
for  manv  generations.  These  khans  were  a 
wild  and  lawless  race  of  men,  continually  fight- 
ing with  each  other,  both  for  mastery,  and  also 


1175.]  VANG  KHAN.  69 

The  cruel  fate  of  Mergus.  His  wife's  stratagem. 

for  the  plunder  of  each  other's  flocks  and  herds. 
In  this  way  most  furious  and  cruel  wars  were 
often  fought  between  near  relatives.  Vang 
Khan's  grandfather,  whose  name  was  Mergus, 
was  taken  prisoner  in  one  of  these  quarrels  by 
another  khan,  who,  though  he  was  a  relative, 
was  so  much  exasperated  by  something  that 
Mergus  had  done  that  he  sent  him  away  to  a 
great  distance  to  the  king  of  a  certain  country 
which  is  called  Kurga,  to  be  disposed  of  there. 
The  King  of  Kurga  put  him  into  a  sack,  sew- 
ed up  the  mouth  of  it,  and  then  laid  him  across 
the  wooden  image  of  an  ass,  and  left  him  there 
to  die  of  hunger  and  suffocation. 

The  wife  of  Mergus  was  greatly  enraged 
when  she  heard  of  the  cruel  fate  of  her  hus- 
band. She  determined  to  be  revenged.  It 
seems  that  the  relative  of  her  husband  who  had 
taken  him  prisoner,  and  had  sent  him  to  the 
King  of  Kurga,  had  been  her  lover  in  former 
times  before  her  marriage ;  so  she  sent  him  a 
message,  in  which  she  dissembled  her  grief  for 
the  loss  of  her  husband,  and  only  blamed  the 
King  of  Kurga  for  his  cruel  death,  and  then 
said  that  she  had  long  felt  an  affection  for  him, 
and  that,  if  he  continued  of  the  same  mind  as 
when  he  had  formally  addressed  her,  she  was 
now  willing  to  become  his  wife,  and  offered,  if 


70  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 


He  falls  into  th«  i 


he  would  come  to  a  certain  place,  which  she  spe- 
cified, to  meet  her,  she  would  join  him  there. 

Nawr,  for  that  was  the  chieftain's  name,  fell 
at  once  into  the  snare  which  the  beautiful  wid- 
ow thus  laid  for  him.  He  immediately  accept- 
ed her  proposals,  and  proceeded  to  the  place  of 
rendezvous.  He  went,  of  course,  attended  by 
a  suitable  guard,  though  his  guard  was  small, 
and  consisted  chiefly  of  friends  and  personal 
attendants.  The  princess  was  attended  also  by 
a  guard,  not  large  enough,  however,  to  excite 
any  suspicion.  She  also  took  with  her  in  her 
train  a  large  number  of  carts,  which  were  to  be 
drawn  by  bullocks,  and  which  were  laden  with 
stores  of  provisions,  clothing,  and  other  such 
valuables,  intended  as  a  present  for  her  new 
husband.  Among  these,  however,  there  were 
a  large  number  of  great  barrels,  or  rounded 
receptacles  of  some  sort,  in  which  she  had 
concealed  a  considerable  force  of  armed  men. 
These  receptacles  were  so  arranged  that  the 
men  concealed  in  them  could  open  them  from 
within  in  an  instant,  at  a  given  signal,  and  issue 
forth  suddenly  all  armed  and  ready  for  action. 

Among  the  other  stores  which  the  princess 
had  provided,  there  was  a  large  supply  of  a 
certain  intoxicating  drink  which  the  Monguls 
and  Tartars  were  accustomed  to  make  in  those 


1175.]  VANG  KHAN.  71 

Arawd  men  in  ambuscade.  Death  of  Nawr. 


days.  As  soon  as  the  two  parties  met  at  the 
place  of  rendezvous  the  princess  gave  Nawr  a 
very  cordial  greeting,  and  invited  him  and  all 
his  party  to  a  feast,  to  be  partaken  on  the  spot. 
The  invitation  was  accepted,  the  stores  of  pro- 
visions were  opened,  and  many  of  the  presents 
were  unpacked  and  displayed.  At  the  feast 
Nawr  and  his  party  were  all  supplied  abund- 
antly with  the  intoxicating  liquor,  which,  as  is 
usual  in  such  cases,  they  were  easily  led  to 
drink  to  excess ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
princess's  party,  who  knew  what  was  coming, 
took  good  care  to  keep  themselves  sober.  At 
length,  when  the  proper  moment  arrived,  the 
princess  made  the  signal.  In  an  instant  the 
men  who  had  been  placed  in  ambuscade  in  the 
barrels  burst  forth  from  their  concealment  and 
rushed  upon  the  guests  at  the  feast.  The  prin- 
cess herself,  who  was  all  ready  for  action,  drew 
a  dagger  from  her  girdle  and  stabbed  Nawr  to 
the  heart.  Her  guards,  assisted  by  the  re-en- 
forcement which  had  so  suddenly  appeared, 
slew  or  secured  all  his  attendants,  who  were  so 
totally  incapacitated,  partly  by  the  drink  which 
they  had  taken,  and  partly  by  their  astonish- 
ment at  the  sudden  appearance  of  so  over- 
whelming a  force,  that  they  were  incapable  of 
making  any  resistance. 


72  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 

Credibility  of  these  tales.  Early  life  of  Vang  Khan! 

The  princess,  having  thus  accomplished  her 
revenge,  marshaled  her  men,  packed  up  her 
pretended  presents,  and  returned  in  triumph 
home. 

Such  stories  as  these,  related  by  the  Asiatic 
writers,  though  they  were  probably  often  much 
embellished  in  the  narration,  had  doubtless  all 
some  foundation  in  fact,  and  they  give  us  some 
faint  idea  of  the  modes  of  life  and  action  which 
prevailed  among  these  half-savage  chieftains  in 
those  times.  Vang  Khan  himself  was  the 
grandson  of  Mergus,  who  was  sewed  up  in  the 
sack.  His  father  was  the  oldest  son  of  the 
princess  who  contrived  the  above-narrated 
stratagem  to  revenge  her  husband's  death.  It 
is  said  that  he  used  to  accompany  his  father  to 
the  wars  when  he  was  only  ten  years  old.  The 
way  in  which  he  formed  his  friendship  for  Ye- 
zonkai,  and  the  alliance  with  him  which  led 
him  to  call  Temujin  his  son  and  to  refuse  to 
take  his  wife  away  from  him,  as  already  related, 
was  this:  When  his  father  died  he  succeeded 
to  the  command,  being  the  oldest  son ;  but  the 
others  were  jealous  of  him,  and  after  many  and 
long  quarrels  with  them  and  with  other  rela- 
tives, especially  with  his  uncle,  who  seemed  to 
take  the  lead  against  him,  he  was  at  last  over- 
powered or  outmanoeuvred,  and  was  obliged  \a 


1175.]  VANG  KHAN.  73 

Reception  of  Temujin.  Prester  John. 

fly.  He  took  refuge,  in  his  distress,  in  the  coun- 
try of  Yezonkai.  Yezonkai  received  him  in  a 
very  friendly  manner,  and  gave  him  effectual 
protection.  After  a  time  he  furnished  him  with 
troops,  and  helped  him  to  recover  his  kingdom, 
and  to  drive  his  uncle  away  into  banishment  in 
his  turn.  It  was  while  he  was  thus  in  Yezon- 
kai's  dominions  that  he  became  acquainted  with 
Temujin,  who  was  then  very  small,  and  it  was 
there  that  he  learned  to  call  him  his  son.  Of 
course,  now  that  Temujin  was  obliged  to  fly 
himself  from  his  native  country  and  abandon 
his  hereditary  dominions,  as  he  had  done  be- 
fore, he  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  requit- 
ing to  the  son  the  favor  which  he  had  received, 
in  precisely  similar  circumstances,  from  the 
father,  and  so  he  gave  Temujin  a  very  kind 
reception. 

There  is  another  circumstance  which  is  some- 
what curious  in  respect  to  Vang  Khan,  and  that 
is,  that  he  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  prince 
whose  fame  was  about  this  period  spread  all 
over  Europe,  under  the  name  of  Prester  John, 
by  the  Christian  missionaries  in  Asia.  These 
missionaries  sent  to  the  Pope,  and  to  various 
Christian  kings  in  Europe,  very  exaggerated 
accounts  of  the  success  of  their  missions  among 
the  Persians,  Turks,  and  Tartars;  and  at  last 


74  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1175. 


His  letter  to  the  King  of  France. 


they  wrote  word  that  the  great  Khan  of  the 
Tartars  had  become  a  convert,  and  had  even 
become  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel,  and  had  taken 
the  name  of  Prester  John.  The  word  prestcr 
was  understood  to  be  a  corruption  of  presbyter. 
A  great  deal  was  accordingly  written  and  said 
all  through  Christendom  about  the  great  Tartar 
convert,  Prester  John.  There  were  several  let- 
ters forwarded  by  the  missionaries,  professedly 
from  him,  and  addressed  to  the  Pope  and  to  the 
different  kings  of  Europe.  Some  of  these  let- 
ters, it  is  said,  are  still  in  existence.  One  of 
them  was  to  the  King  of  France.  In  this  let- 
ter the  writer  tells  the  King  of  France  of  his 
great  wealth  and  of  the  vastness  of  his  domin- 
ions. He  says  he  has  seventy  kings  to  serve 
and  wait  upon  him.  He  invites  the  King  of 
France  to  come  and  see  him,  promising  to  be- 
stow a  great  kingdom  upon  him  if  he  will,  and 
also  to  make  him  his  heir  and  leave  all  his  do- 
minions to  him  when  he  dies ;  with  a  great  deal 
more  of  the  same  general  character. 

The  other  letters  were  much  the  same,  and 
the  interest  which  they  naturally  excited  was 
increased  by  the  accounts  which  the  mission- 
aries gave  of  the  greatness  and  renown  of  this 
more  than  royal  convert,  and  of  the  progress 
which  Christianity  had  made  and  was  still  mak- 


1175.]  VANG  KHAN.  75 

The  probable  truth.  Temujin  and  Vang  Khan. 

ing  in  his  dominions  through  their  instrument- 
ality. 

It  is  supposed,  in  modern  times,  that  these 
stories  were  pretty  much  all  inventions  on  the 
part  of  the  missionaries,  or,  at  least,  that  the  ac- 
counts which  they  sent  were  greatly  exagger- 
ated and  embellished;  and  there  is  but  little 
doubt  that  they  had  much  more  to  do  with  the 
authorship  of  the  letters  than  any  khan.  Still, 
however,  it  is  supposed  that  there  was  a.  great 
prince  who  at  least  encouraged  the  missionaries 
in  their  work,  and  allowed  them  to  preach 
Christianity  in  his  dominions,  and,  if  so,  there 
is  little  doubt  that  Vang  Khan  was  the  man. 

At  all  events,  he  was  a  very  great  and  pow- 
erful prince,  and  he  reigned  over  a  wide  extent 
of  country.  The  name  of  his  capital  was  Kara- 
korom.  The  distance  which  Temujin  had  to 
travel  to  reach  this  city  was  about  ten  days' 
journey. 

He  was  received  by  Vang  Khan  with  great 
marks  of  kindness  and  consideration.  Vang 
Khan  promised  to  protect  him,  and,  in  due  time, 
to  assist  him  in  recovering  his  kingdom.  In 
the  mean  while  Temujin  promised  to  enter  at 
once  into  Vang  Khan's  service,  and  to  devote 
himself  faithfully  to  promoting  the  interests  of 
his  kind  protector  by  every  means  in  his  power. 


76  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [118li. 


Temujin's  popularity. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
TEMUJIN  IN  EXILE. 

VANGr  KHAN  gave  Temujin  a  very  hon- 
orable position  in  his  court.  It  was  nat- 
ural that  he  should  do  so,  for  Temujin  was  a 
prince  in  the  prime  of  his  youth,  and  of  very 
attractive  person  and  manners ;  and,  though  he 
was  for  the  present  an  exile,  as  it  were,  from 
his  native  land,  he  was  not  by  any  means  in  a 
destitute  or  hopeless  condition.  His  family  and 
friends  were  still  in  the  ascendency  at  home, 
and  he  himself,  in  coming  to  the  kingdom  of 
Vang  Khan,  had  brought  with  him  quite  an 
important  body  of  troops.  Being,  at  the  same 
time,  personally  possessed  of  great  courage  and 
of  much  military  skill,  he  was  prepared  to  ren- 
der his  protector  good  service  in  return  for  his 
protection.  In  .a  word,  the  arrival  of  Temujin 
at  the  court  of  Vang  Khan  was  an  event  calcu- 
lated to  make  quite  a  sensation. 

At  first  every  body  was  very  much  pleased 
with  him,  and  he  was  very  popular;  but  before 
long  the  other  young  princes  of  the  court,  and 


1182.]        TEMUJIN  IN  EXILE.  77 

Rivals  and  enemies  appear.  Plots.  Yemuka.  Wisulujine. 

the  chieftains  of  the  neighboring  tribes,  began 
to  be  jealous  of  him.  Vang  Khan  gave  him 
precedence  over  them  all,  partly  on  account  of 
his  personal  attachment  to  him.  and  partly  on 
account  of  the  rank  which  he  held  in  his  own 
country,  which,  being  that  of  a  sovereign  prince, 
naturally  entitled  him  to  the  very  highest  po- 
sition among  the  subordinate  chieftains  in  the 
retinue  of  Vang  Khan.  But  these  subordinate 
chieftains  were  not  satisfied.  They  murmured, 
at  first  secretly,  and  afterward  more  openly, 
and  soon  began  to  form  combinations  and  plots 
against  the  new  favorite,  as  they  called  him. 

An  incident  soon  occurred  which  greatly  in- 
creased this  animosity,  and  gave  to  Temujin's 
enemies,  all  at  once,  a  very  powerful  leader 
and  head.  This  leader  was  a  very  influential 
chieftain  named  Yemuka.  This  Yemuka,  it 
seems,  was  in  love  with  the  daughter  of  Vang 
Khan,  the  Princess  Wisulujine.  He  asked  her 
in  marriage  of  her  father.  To  precisely  what 
state  of  forwardness  the  negotiations  had  ad- 
vanced does  not  appear,  but,  at  any  rate,  when 
Temujin  arrived,  Wisulujine  soon  began  to  turn 
her  thoughts  toward  him.  He  was  undoubt- 
edly younger,  handsomer,  and  more  accomplish- 
ed than  her  old  lover,  and  before  long  she 
gave  her  fether  to  understand  that  she  would 


78  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 

Yemuka' e  disappointment.  His  rage.  Conspiracy  formed. 

much  rather  have  him  for  her  husband  than 
Yemuka.  It  is  true,  Temujin  had  one  or  two 
wives  already ;  but  this  made  no  difference,  for 
it  was  the  custom  then,  as,  indeed,  it  is  still,  for 
the  Asiatic  princes  and  chieftains  to  take  as 
many  wives  as  their  wealth  and  position  would 
enable  them  to  maintain.  Yemuka  was  ac- 
cordingly refused,  and  Wisulujine  was  given  in 
marriage  to  Temujin. 

Yemuka  was,  of  course,  dreadfully  enraged 
He  vowed  that  he  would  be  revenged.  He  im- 
mediately began  to  intrigue  with  all  the  dis- 
contented persons  and  parties  in  the  kingdom, 
not  only  with  those  who  were  envious  and  jeal- 
ous of  Temujin,  but  also  with  all  those  who, 
for  any  reason,  were  disposed  to  put  themselves 
in  opposition  to  Vang  Khan's  government. 
Thus  a  formidable  conspiracy  was  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  compassing  Temujin's  ruin. 

The  conspirators  first  tried  the  effect  of  pri- 
vate remonstrances  with  Vang  Khan,  in  which 
they  made  all  sorts  of  evil  representations 
against  Temujin,  but  to  no  effect.  Temujin 
rallied  about  him  so  many  old  friends,  and 
made  so  many  new  friends  by  his  courage  and 
energy,  that  his  party  at  court  proved  stronger 
than  that  of  his  enemies,  and,  for  a  time,  they 
seemed  likely  to  fail  entirely  of  their  design. 


1182.]        TEMUJIN  IN   EXILE.  79 

Progress  of  the  league.  Oath  of  the  conspirators. 

At  length  the  conspirators  opened  communi- 
cation with  the  foreign  enemies  of  Yang  Khan, 
and  formed  a  league  with  them  to  make  war 
against  and  destroy  both  Vang  Khan  and  Te- 
rn uj  in  together.  The  accounts  of  the  progress 
of  this  league,  and  of  the  different  nations  and 
tribes  which  took  part  in  it,  is  imperfect  and 
confused ;  but  at  length,  after  various  prelim- 
inary contests  and  manoeuvres,  arrangements 
were  made  for  assembling  a  large  army  with  a 
view  of  invading  Vang  Khan's  dominions  and 
deciding  the  question  by  a  battle.  The  differ- 
ent chieftains  and  khans  whose  troops  were 
united  to  form  this  army  bound  themselves  to- 
gether by  a  solemn  oath,  according  to  the  cus- 
toms of  those  times,  not  to  rest  until  both  Vang 
Khan  and  Temujin  should  be  destroyed. 

The  manner  in  which  they  took  the  oath 
was  this :  They  brought  out  into  an  open  space 
on  the  plain  where  they  had  assembled  to  take 
the  oath,  a  horse,  a  wild  ox,  and  a  dog.  At  a 
given  signal  they  fell  upon  these  animals  with 
their  swords,  and  cut  them  all  to  pieces  in  the 
most  furious  manner.  When  they  had  finish- 
ed, they  stood  together  and  called  out  aloud  in 
the  following  words : 

"Hear!  0  God!  0  heaven!  0  earth!  the 
oath  that  we  swear  against  Vang  Khan  and 


80  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 


Plan  formed  by  Teraujin. 


Temujin.  If  any  one  of  us  spares  them  when 
we  have  them  in  our  power,  or  if  we  fail  to 
keep  the  promise  that  we  have  made  to  destroy 
them,  may  we  meet  with  the  same  fate  that  has 
befallen  these  beasts  that  we  have  now  cut  to 
pieces." 

They  uttered  this  imprecation  in  a  very  sol- 
emn manner,  standing  among  the  mangled  and 
bloody  remains  of  the  beasts  which  lay  strewed 
all  about  the  ground. 

These  preparations  had  been  made  thus  far 
very  secretly ;  but  tidings  of  what  was  going 
on  came,  before  a  great  while,  to  Karakorom, 
Vang  Khan's  capital.  Temujin  was  greatly 
excited  when  he  heard  the  news.  He  imme- 
diately proposed  that  he  should  take  his  own 
troops,  and  join  with  them  as  many  of  Vang 
Khan's  soldiers  as  could  be  conveniently  spared, 
and  go  forth  to  meet  the  enemy.  To  this  Vang 
Khan  consented.  Temujin  took  one  half  of 
Vang  Khan's  troops  to  join  his  own,  leaving 
the  other  half  to  protect  the  capital,  and  so  set 
forth  on  his  expedition.  He  went  off  in  the 
direction  toward  the  frontier  where  he  had  un- 
derstood the  principal  part  of  the  hostile  forces 
were  assembling.  After  a  long  march,  prob- 
ably one  of  many  days,  he  arrived  there  before 
the  enemy  was  quite  prepared  for  him.  Then 


1182.]        TEMUJIN  IN   EXILE.  81 

The  campaign.  Unexpected  arrival  of  Vang  Khan.  His  story. 

followed  a  series  of  manoeuvres  and  counter- 
manoeuvres,  in  which  Temujin  was  all  the  time 
endeavoring  to  bring  the  rebels  to  battle,  while 
they  were  doing  all  in  their  power  to  avoid  it. 
Their  object  in  this  delay  was  to  gain  time  for 
re-enforcements  to  come  in,  consisting  of  bodies 
of  troops  belonging  to  certain  members  of  the 
league  who  had  not  yet  arrived. 

At  length,  when  these  manoeuvres  were 
brought  to  an  end,  and  the  battle  was  about  to 
be  fought,  Temujin  and  his  whole  army  were 
one  day  greatly  surprised  to  see  his  father-in- 
law,  Vang  Khan  himself,  coming  into  the  camp 
at  the  head  of  a  small  and  forlorn-looking  band 
of  followers,  who  had  all  the  appearance  of  fu- 
gitives escaped  from  a  battle.  They  looked 
anxious,  way-worn,  and  exhausted,  and  the 
horses  that  they  rode  seemed  wholly  spent 
with  fatigue  and  privation.  On  explanation, 
Temujin  learned  that,  as  soon  as  it  was  known 
that  he  had  left  the  capital,  and  taken  with  him 
a  large  part  of  the  army,  a  certain  tribe  of  Vang 
Khan's  enemies,  living  in  another  direction, 
had  determined  to  seize  the  opportunity  to  in- 
vade his  dominions,  and  had  accordingly  come 
suddenly  in,  with  an  immense  horde,  to  attack 
the  capital.  Vang  Khan  had  done  all  that  he 
could  to  defend  the  city,  but  he  had  been  over- 


82  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 

Temiyin'a  promises.  Result  of  the  battle. 

powered.  The  greater  part  of  his  soldiers  had 
been  killed  or  wounded.  The  city  had  been 
taken  and  gillagfitl.  His  son,  with  those  of  the 
troops  that  had  been  able  to  save  themselves, 
had  escaped  to  the  mountains.  As  to  Yang 
Khan  himself,  he  had  thought  it  best  to  make 
his  way,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  the  camp  of 
Temujin,  where  he  had  now  arrived,  after  en- 
during  great  hardships  and  sufferings  on  the 
way. 

Temujin  was  at  first  much  amazed  at  hear- 
ing this  story.  He,  however,  bade  his  father- 
in-law  not  to  be  cast  down  or  discouraged,  and 
promised  him  full  revenge,  and  a  complete  tri- 
umph^ over  all  his  enemies  at  the  coming  bat- 
tle. So  he  proceeded  at  once  to  complete  his  ar- 
rangements for  the  coming  fight.  He  resigned 
to  Yang  Khan  the  command  of  the  main  body 
of  the  army,  while  he  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  one  of  the  wings,  assigning  the  other 
to  the  chieftain  next  in  rank  in  his  army.  ID 
this  order  he  went  into  battle. 

The  battle  was  a  very  obstinate  and  bloody 
one,  but,  in  the  end,  Temujin's  party  was  vic- 
torious. The  troops  opposed  to  him  were  de- 
feated and  driven  off  the  field.  The  victory 
appeared  to  be  due  altogether  to  Temujin  him- 
self; for,  after  the  struggle  had  continued  a  long 


1182.]        TEMUJIN  IN  EXILE.  83 

Temujin  victorious.  State  of  things  at  Karakorom.  Eikekara. 

time,  and  the  result  still  appeared  doubtful,  the 
troops  of  Temujin's  wing  finally  made  a  des- 
perate charge,  and  forced  their  way  with  such 
fury  into  the  midst  of  the  forces  of  the  enemy 
that  nothing  could  withstand  them.  This  en- 
couraged and  animated  the  other  troops  to  such 
a  degree  that  very  soon  the  enemy  were  en- 
tirely routed  and  driven  from  off  the  field. 

The  effect  of  this  victory  was  to  raise  the  rep- 
utation of  Temujin  as  a  military  commander 
higher  than  ever,  and  greatly  to  increase  the 
confidence  which  Vang  Khan  was  inclined  to 
repose  in  him.  The  victory,  too,  seemed  at  first 
to  have  well-nigh  broken  up  the  party  of  the 
rebels.  Still,  the  way  was  not  yet  open  for 
Vang  Khan  to  return  and  take  possession  of 
his  throne  and  of  his  capital,  for  he  learned 
that  one  of  his  brothers  had  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment, and  was  reigning  in  Karakorom  in 
his  place.  It  would  seem  that  this  brother, 
whose  name  was  Erkekara,  had  been  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  party  opposed  to  Temujin. 
It  was  natural  that  he  should  be  so ;  for,  being 
the  brother  of  the  king,  he  would,  of  course,  oc- 
cupy a  very  high  position  in  the  court,  and 
would  be  one  of  the  first  to  experience  the  ill 
effects  produced  by  the  coming  in  of  any  new 
favorite.  He  had  accordingly  joined  in  the 


8-i  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 

Preparations  for  the  final  conflict.  Erkekara  vanquished. 

plots  that  were  formed  against  Tern uj in  and 
Yang  Khan.  Indeed,  he  was  considered,  in 
some  respects,  as  the  head  of  their  party,  and 
when  Yang  Khan  was  driven  away  from  his 
capital,  this  brother  assumed  the  throne  in  his 
stead.  The  question  was,  how  could  he  now 
be  dispossessed  and  Yang  Khan  restored. 

Temujin  began  immediately  to  form  his  plans 
for  the  accomplishment  of  this  purpose.  He 
concentrated  his  forces  after  the  battle,  and 
soon  afterward  opened  negotiations  with  other 
tribes,  who  had  before  been  uncertain  which 
side  to  espouse,  but  were  now  assisted  a  great 
deal  in  coming  to  a  decision  by  the  victory 
which  Temujin  had  obtained.  In  the  mean 
time  the  rebels  were  not  idle.  They  banded 
themselves  together  anew,  and  made  great  ex- 
ertions to  procure  re-enforcements.  Erkekara 
fortified  himself  as  strongly  as  possible  in  Kara- 
korom,  and  collected  ample  supplies  of  ammu- 
nition and  military  stores.  It  was  not  until 
the  following  year  that  the  parties  had  com- 
pleted their  preparations  and  were  prepared 
for  the  final  struggle.  Then,  however,  anoth- 
er great  battle  was  fought,  and  again  Temujin 
was  victorious.  Erkekara  was  killed  or  driven 
away  in  his  turn.  Karakorom  was  retaken, 
and  Yang  Khan  entered  it  in  triumph  at  the 


1182.]       TEMUJIN  IN  EXILE.  85 

Vang  Khan  restored.  Temujin'n  popularity. 

. _ 

head  of  his  troops,  and  was  once  more  estab- 
l^g^CMi  his  throne. 

Of  course,  the  rank  and  influence  of  Temu- 
jin  at  his  court  was  now  higher  than  ever  be- 
fore. He  was  now  about  twenty-two  or  twen- 
ty-three years  of  age.  He  had  already  three 
wives,  though  it  is  not  certain  that  all  of  them 
were  with  him  at  Vang  Khan's  court.  He  was 
extremely  popular  in  the  army,  as  young  com- 
manders of  great  courage  and  spirit  almost  al- 
ways are.  Vang  Khan  placed  great  reliance 
upon  him,  and  lavished  upon  him  all  possible 
honors. 

He  does  not  seem,  however,  yet  to  have  be- 
gun to  form  aujr  plans  for  returning  to  his  na- 
tive land. 


86  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 

Erkekara,  State  of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
RUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN. 


remained  at  the  court,  or  in  the 
dominions  of  Vang  Khan,  for  a  great  many 
years.  During  the  greater  portion  of  this  time 
he  continued  in  the  service  of  Vang  Khan,  and 
on  good  terms  with  him,  though,  in  the  end,  as 
we  shall  presently  see,  their  friendship  was 
turned  into  a  bitter  enmity. 

Erkekara,  Vang  Khan's  brother,  who  had 
usurped  his  throne  during  the  rebellion,  was 
killed,  it  was  said,  at  the  time  when  Vang  Khan 
recovered  his  throne.  Several  of  the  other 
rebel  chieftains  were  also  killed,  but  some  of  , 
them  succeeded  in  saving  themselves  from  ut- 
ter ruin,  and  in  gradually  recovering  their  for- 
mer power  over  the  hordes  which  they  respect- 
ively commanded.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  the  country  was  not  divided  at  this  time 
into  regular  territorial  states  and  kingdoms,  but 
was  rather  one  vast  undivided  region,  occupied 
by  immense  hordes,  each  of  which  was  more  or 
less  stationary,  it  is  true,  in  its  own  district  or 


1182.]  RUPTURE  WITH  YANG  KHAN.  87 

Wandering  habits.  Yemuka.  Sink  urn. 

range,  but  was  nevertheless  without  any  per- 
manent settlement.  The  various  clans  drifted 
slowly  this  way  and  that  among  the  plains  and 
mountains,  as  the  prospects  of  pasturage,  the 
fortune  of  war,  or  the  pressure  of  contermin- 
ous hordes  might  incline  them.  In  cases,  too, 
where  a  number  of  hordes  were  united  un- 
der one  general  chieftain,  as  was  the  case  with 
those  over  whom  Vang  Khan  claimed  to  have 
sway,  the  tie  by  which  they  were  bound  togeth- 
er was  very  feeble,  and  the  distinction  between 
a  state  of  submission  and  of  rebellion,  except  in 
case  of  actual  war,  was  very  slightly  defined. 

Yemuka,  the  chieftain  who  had  been  so  ex- 
asperated against  Temujin  on  account  of  his 
being  supplanted  by  him  in  the  affections  of 
the  young  princess,  Vang  Khan's  daughter, 
whom  Temujin  had  married  for  his  third  wife, 
succeeded  in  making  his  escape  at  the  time 
when  Vang  Khan  conquered  his  enemies  and 
recovered  his  throne.  For  a  time  he  concealed 
himself,  or  at  least  kept  out  of  Vang  Khan's 
reach,  by  dwelling  with  hordes  whose  range 
was  at  some  distance  from  Karakorom.  He 
eoon,  however,  contrived  to  open  secret  nego- 
tiations with  one  of  Vang  Khan's  sons,  whose 
name  was  something  that  sounded  like  San- 
kum.  Some  authors,  in  attempting  to  repre- 


88  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 


Yemuka's  Intrigues  with  Sankum. 


sent  his  name  in  our  letters,  spelled  it  Sun- 
ghim. 

Yemuka  easily  persuaded  this  young  San- 
kum to  take  sides  with  him  in  the  quarrel.  It 
was  natural  that  he  should  do  so,  for,  being  the 
son  of  Vang  Khan,  he  was  in  some  measure 
displaced  from  his  own  legitimate  and  proper 
position  at  his  father's  court  by  the  great  and 
constantly  increasing  influence  which  Temujin 
exercised. 

"  And  besides,"  said  Yemuka,  in  the  secret 
representations  which  he  made  to  Sankum, 
"this  new-comer  is  not  only  interfering  with 
the  cjirtailing  your  proper  influence  and  con- 
sideration now,  but  his  design  is  by-and-by  to 
circumvent  and  supplant  you  altogether.  He 
is  forming  plans  for  making  himself  your  fa- 
ther's heir,  and  so  robbing  you  of  your  rightful 
inheritance." 

Sankum  listened  very  eagerly  to  these  sug- 
gestions, and  finally  it  was  agreed  between  him 
and  Yemuka  that  Sankum  should  exert  his  in- 
fluence with  his  father  to  obtain  permission  for 
Yemuka  to  come  back  to  court,  and  to  be  re- 
ceived again  into  his  father's  service,  under  pre- 
tense of  having  repented  of  his  rebellion,  and 
of  being  now  disposed  to  return  to  his  allegi- 
j«i£e.  Sankum  did  this,  and,  after  a  time, Vang 


1182.]  RUPTURE  WITH  YANG  KHAN.  89 

Temnjln'B  situation.  His  military  expedition*. 

Khan  was  persuaded  to  allow  Yemuka  to  re- 
turn. 

Thus  a  sort  of  outward  peace  was  made,  but 
it  was  no  real  peace.  Yemuka  was  as  envious 
and  jealous  of  Temujin  as  ever,  and  now,  more- 
over, in  addition  to  this  envy  and  jealousy,  he 
felt  the  stimulus  of  revenge.  Things,  howev- 
er, seem  to  have  gone  on  very  quietly  for  a 
time,  or  at  least  without  any  open  outbreak  in 
the  court.  During  this  time  Vang  Khan  was, 
as  usual  with  such  princes,  frequently  engaged 
in  wars  with  the  neighboring  hordes.  In  these 
wars  he  relied  a  great  deal  on  Temujin.  Temu- 
jin was  in  command  of  a  large  body  of  troops, 
which  consisted  in  part  of  his  own  guard,  the 
troops  that  had  come  with  him  from  his  own 
country,  and  in  part  of  other  bands  of  men 
whom  Vang  Khan  had  placed  under  his  orders, 
or  who  had  joined  him  of  their  own  accord. 
He  was  assisted  in  the  command  of  this  body 
by  four  subordinate  generals  or  khans,  whom 
he  called  his  four  intrepids.  They  were  all 
very  brave  and  skillful  commanders.  At  the 
head  of  this  troop  Temujin  was  accustomed  to 
scour  the  country,  hunting  out  Vang  Khan's 
enemies,  or  making  long  expeditions  over  dis- 
tant plains  or  among  the  mountains,  in  the 
prosecution  of  Vang  Khan's  warlike  projects, 


90  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1182. 

Popular  commanders.  Stories  of  Temujin's  cruelty. 

whether  those  of  invasion  and  plunder,  or  of 
retaliation  and  vengeance. 

Temujin  was  extremely  popular  with  the 
soldiers  who  served  under  him.  Soldiers  al- 
ways love  a  dashing,  fearless,  and  energetic 
leader,  who  has  the  genius  to  devise  brilliant 
schemes,  and  the  spirit  to  execute  them  in  a 
brilliant  manner.  They  care  very  little  how 
dangerous  the  situations  are  into  which  he  may 
lead  them.  Those  that  get  killed  in  perform- 
ing the  exploits  which  he  undertakes  can  not 
speak  to  complain,  and  those  who  ^survive  are 
only  so  much  the  better  pleased  that  the  dan- 
gers that  they  have  been  brought  safely  through 
were  so  desperate,  and  that  the  harvest  of  glory 
which  they  have  thereby  acquired  is  so  great. 

Temujin,  though  a  great  favorite  with  his 
own  men,  was,  like  almost  all  half-savage  war- 
riors of  his  class,  utterly  merciless,  when  he  was 
angry,  in  his  treatment  of  his  enemies.  It  is 
said  that  after  one  of  his  battles,  in  which  he 
had  gained  a  complete  victory  over  an  im- 
mense horde  of  rebels  and  other  foes,  and  had 
taken  great  numbers  of  them  prisoners,  he  or- 
dered fires  to  be  built  and  seventy  large  cal- 
drons of  water  to  be  put  over  them,  and  then, 
when  the  water  was  boiling  hot,  he  caused  the 
principal  leaders  of  the  vanquished  army  to  be 


1182.]  EUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN.  91 

Probably  fictions.  Vang  Khan's  uneasiness. 

thrown  in  headlong  and  thus  scalded  to  death. 
Then  he  marched  at  once  into  the  country  of 
the  enemy,  and  there  took  all  the  women  and 
children,  and  sent  them  off  to  be  sold  as  slaves, 
and  seized  the  cattle  and  other  property  which 
he  found,  and  carried  it  off  as  plunder.  In  thus 
taking  possession  of  the  enemy's  property  and 
making  it  his  own,  and  selling  the  poor  cap- 
tives into  slavery,  there  was  nothing  remark- 
able. Such  was  the  custom  of  the  times.  But 
the  act  of  scalding  his  prisoners  to  death  seems 
to  denote  or  reveal  in  his  character  a  vein  of 
peculiar  and  atrocious  cruelty.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  the  story  may  not  be  true.  It 
may  have  been  invented  by  Yemuka  and  San- 
kum,  or  by  some  of  his  other  enemies. 

For  Yemuka  and  Sankum,  and  others  who 
were  combined  with  them,  were  continually 
endeavoring  to  undermine  Temujin's  influence 
with  Vang  Khan,  and  thus  deprive  him  of  his 
power.  But  he  was  too  strong  for  them.  His 
great  success  in  all  his  military  undertakings 
kept  him  up  in  spite  of  all  that  his  rivals  could 
do  to  pull  him  down.  As  for  Vang  Khan  him- 
self, he  was  in  part  pleased  with  him  and  proud 
of  him,  and  in  part  he  feared  him.  He  was 
very  unwilling  to  be  so  dependent  upon  a  sub- 
ordinate chieftain,  and  yet  ie  could  not  do 


92  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Temnjin.  Vang  Khan'g  suspicions. 

without  him.  A  king  never  desires  that  any 
one  of  his  subjects  should  become  too  conspicu- 
ous or  too  great,  and  Yang  Khan  would  have 
been  very  glad  to  have  diminished,  in  some 
way,  the  power  and  prestige  which  Temujin 
had  acquired,  and  which  seemed  to  be  increas- 
ing every  day.  He,  however,  found  no  means 
of  effecting  this  in  any  quiet  and  peaceful  man- 
ner. Temujin  was  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
generally  away  from  Karakorom,  where  Yang 
Khan  resided,  and  he  was,  in  a  great  measure, 
independent.  He  raised  his  own  recruits  to 
keep  the  numbers  of  his  army  good,  and  it  was 
always  easy  to  subsist  if  there  chanced  to  be 
any  failure  in  the  ordinary  and  regular  sup- 
plies. 

Besides,  occasions  were  continually  occurring 
in  which  Yang  Khan  wished  for  Temujin's  aid, 
and  could  not  dispense  with  it.  At  one  time, 
while  engaged  in  some  important  campaigns, 
far  away  among  the  mountains,  Yemuka  con- 
trived to  awaken  so  much  distrust  of  Temujin 
in  Yang  Khan's  mind,  that  Yang  Khan  secret- 
ly decamped  in  the  night,  and  marched  away  to 
a  distant  place  to  save  himself  from  a  plot  which 
Yemuka  had  told  him  that  Temujin  was  con- 
triving. Here,  however,  he  was  attacked  by  a 
large  body  of  his  enemies,  and  was  reduced  to 


1202.]  RUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN.  93 

A  reconciliation.  Fresh  suspicions. 

such  straits  that  he  was  obliged  to  send  couriers 
off  at  once  to  Tern uj  in  to  come  with  his  intrep- 
ids  and  save  him.  Temujin  came.  He  rescued 
Vang  Khan  from  his  danger,  and  drove  his  en- 
emies away.  Vang  Khan  was  very  grateful 
for  this  service,  so  that  the  two  friends  became 
entirely  reconciled  to  each  other,  and  were 
united  more  closely  than  ever,  greatly  to  Ye- 
muka's  disappointment  and  chagrin.  They 
made  a  new  league  of  amity,  and,  to  seal  and 
confirm  it,  they  agreed  upon  a  double  marriage 
between  their  two  families.  A  son  of  Temujin 
was  to  be  married  to  a  daughter  of  Vang  Khan, 
and  a  son  of  Vang  Khan  to  a  daughter  of  Te- 
mujin. 

This  new  compact  did  not,  however,  last  long. 
As  soon  as  Vang  Khan  found  that  the  danger 
from  which  Temujin  had  rescued  him  was  pass- 
ed, he  began  again  to  listen  to  the  representa- 
tions of  Yemuka  and  Sankum,  who  still  insiat- 
ed  that  Temujin  was  a  very  dangerous  man, 
and  was  by  no  means  to  be  trusted.  They  said 
that  he  was  ambitious^  and  unprincipled,  and 
that  he  was  only  waiting  for  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity to  rebel  himself  against  Vang  Khan  and 
depose  him  from  his  throne.  They  made  a 
great  many  statements  to  the  khan  in  confirm- 
ation of  their  opinion,  some  of  which  were  true 


94  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Plans  laid.  Treachery.  Menglik. 


doubtless,  but  many  were  ^a^ara.*^  and 
others  probably  false.  They,  however,  suc- 
ceeded at  last  in  making  such  an  impression 
upon  the  khan's  mind  that  he  finally  determ- 
ined to  take  measures  for  putting  Temujin  out 
of  the  way. 

Accordingly,  on  some  pretext  or  other,  he 
contrived  to  send  Temujin  away  from  Kara- 
korom,  his  capital,  for  Temujin  was  so  great  a 
favorite  with  the  royal  guards  and  with  all  the 
garrison  of  the  town,  that  he  did  not  dare  to 
undertake  any  thing  openly  against  him  there. 
Vang  Khan  also  sent  a  messenger  to  Temujin's 
own  country  to  persuade  the  chief  persons  there 
to  join  him  in  his  plot.  It  will  be  recollected 
that,  at  the  time  that  Temujin  left  his  own 
country,  when  he  was  about  fourteen  years  old, 
his  mother  had  married  a  great  chieftain  there, 
named  Menglik,  and  that  this  Menglik,  in  con- 
junction doubtless  with  Temujin's  mother,  had 
been  made  regent  during  his  absence.  Yang 
Khan  now  sent  to  Menglik  to  propose  that  he 
should  unite  with  him  to  destroy  Temujin. 

"  You  have  no  interest,"  said  Vang  Khan  in 
the  message  that  he  sent  to  Menglik,  "  in  taking 
his  part.  It  is  true  that  you  have  married  his 
mother,  but,  personally,  he  is  nothing  to  you. 
And,  if  he  is  once  out  of  the  way,  you  will  be 


1202.]  KUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN.  95 

Menglik  gives  Temujin  warning.  The  double  marriage. 

acknowledged  as  the  Grand  Khan  of  the  Mon- 
guls  in  your  own  right,  whereas  you  now  hold 
your  place  in  subordination  to  him,  and  he  may 
at  any  time  return  and  set  you  aside  alto- 
gether." 

Vang  Khan  hoped  by  these  arornmp.nta  to  in- 
duce Menglik  to  come  and  assist  him  in  his 
plan  of  putting  Temujin  to  death,  or,  at  least, 
if  Menglik  would  not  assist  him  in  perpetrating 
the  deed,  he  thought  that,  by  these  arguments, 
he  should  induce  him  to  be  willing  that  it 
should  be  committed,  so  that  he  should  him- 
self have  nothing  to  fear  afterward  from  his  re-  a  ^  c 
sehtment.  But  Menglik  received  the  proposal 
in  a  very  different  way  from  what  Vang  Khan 
had  expected.  He  said  nothing,  but  he  de- 
termined immediately  to  let  Temujin  know  of 
the  danger  that  he  was  in.  He  accordingly  at 
once  set  out  to  go  to  Temujin's  camp  to  inform 
him  of  Vang  Khan's  designs. 

In  the  mean  time,  Vang  Khan,  having  ma- 
tared  his  plans,  made  an  appointment  for  Te- 
mujin to  meet  him  at  a  certain  place  designated 
for  the  purpose  of  consummating  the  double 
marriage  between  their  children,  which  had 
been  before  agreed  upon.  Temujin,  not  sus- 
pecting any  treachery,  received  and  entertained 
the  messenger  in  a  very  honorable  manner,  and 


96  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Plans  frustrated.  Temnjin's  camp.  Karash«r. 

said  that  he  would  come.  After  making  the 
necessary  preparations,  he  set  out,  in  company 
with  the  messenger  and  with  a  grand  retinue 
of  his  own  attendants,  to  go  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed. On  his  way  he  was  met  or  overtaken 
by  Menglik,  who  had  come  to  warn  him  of  his 
danger.  As  soon  as  Temujin  had  heard  what 
his  stepfather  had  to  say,  he  made  some  excuse 
for  postponing  the  journey,  and,  sending  a  civil 
answer  to  Vang  Khan  by  the  ambassador,  he 
ordered  him  to  go  forward,  and  went  back  him- 
self to  his  own  camp. 

This  camp  was  at  some  distance  from  Kara- 
korom.  Vang  Khan,  as  has  already  been  stated, 
had  sent  Temujin  away  from  the  capital  on  ac- 
count of  his  being  so  great  a  favorite  that  he 
was  afraid  of  some  tumult  if  he  were  to  attempt 
any  thing  against  him  there.  Temujin  was, 
however,  pretty  strong  in  his  camp.  The 
troops  that  usually  attended  him  were  there, 
with  the  four  intrepids  as  commanders  of  the 
four  principal  divisions  of  them.  His  old  in- 
structor and  guardian,  Karasher,  was  with  him 
too.  Karasher,  it  seems,  had  continued  in  Te- 
mujin's  service  up  to  this  time,  and  was  accus- 
tomed to  accompany  him  in  all  his  expeditions 
as  his  counselor  and  friend. 

When  Vang  Khan  learned,  by  the  return  of 


1202.]  RUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN.  97 

Vang  Khan's  plans.  His  plans  betrayed  by  two  slaves. 

his  messenger,  that  Temujin  declined  to  come 
to  the  place  of  rendezvous  which  he  had  ap- 
pointed, he  concluded  at  once  that  he  suspected 
treachery,  and  he  immediately  decided  that  he 
must  now  strike  a  decisive  blow  without  any 
delay,  otherwise  Temujin  would  put  himself 
more  and  more  on  his  guard.  He  was  not 
mistaken,  it  seems,  however,  in  thinking  how 
great  a  favorite  Temujin  was  at  Karakorom, 
for  his  secret  design  was  betrayed  to  Temujin 
by  two  of  his  servants,  who  overheard  him 
speak  of  it  to  one  of  his  wives.  Vang  Khan's 
plan  was  to  go  out  secretly  to  Temujin's  camp 
at  the  head  of  an  armed  force  superior  to  his, 
and  there  come  upon  him  and  his  whole  troop 
suddenly,  by  surprise,  in  the  night,  by  which 
means,  he  thought,  he  should  easily  overpower 
the  whole  encampment,  and  either  kill  Temu- 
jin and  his  generals,  or  else  make  them  prison- 
ers. The  two  men  who  betrayed  this  plan 
were  slaves,  who  were  employed  to  take  care 
of  the  horses  of  some  person  connected  with 
Vang  Khan's  household,  and  to  render  various 
other  services.  Their  names  were  Badu  and 
Kishlik.  It  seems  that  these  men  were  one 
day  carrying  some  milk  to  Vang  Khan's  house 
or  tent,  and  there  they  overheard  a  conversa- 
tion between  Vang  Khan  and  his  wife,  by 
12—7 


98  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

How  the  slaves  overheard.  A  council  called. 

which  they  learned  the  particulars  of  the  plan 
formed  for  Temujin's  destruction.  The  expe- 
dition was  to  set  out,  they  heard,  on  the  follow- 
ing morning. 

It  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  they  overheard 
this  conversation,  for  not  only  the  tents,  but 
even  the  houses  used  by  these  Asiatic  nations 
were  built  of  very  frail  and  thin  materials,  and 
the  partitions  were  often  made  of  canvas  and 
felt,  and  other  such  substances  as  could  have 
very  little  power  to  intercept  sound. 

The  two  slaves  determined  to  proceed  at 
once  to  Temujin's  camp  and  warn  him  of  his 
danger.  So  they  stole  away  from  their  quar- 
ters at  nightfall,  and,  after  traveling  diligently 
all  night,  in  the  morning  they  reached  the 
camp  and  told  Temujin  what  they  had  learn- 
ed. Temujin  was  surprised ;  but  he  had  been, 
in  some  measure,  prepared  for  such  intelligence 
by  the  communication  which  his  stepfather  had 
made  him  in  respect  to  Vang  Khan's  treacher- 
ous designs  a  few  days  before.  He  immediate- 
ly summoned  Karasher  and  some  of  his  other 
friends,  in  order  to  consult  in  respect  to  what 
it  was  best  to  do. 

It  was  resolved  to  elude  Yang  Khan's  design 
by  means  of  a  stratagem.  He  was  to  come 
upon  them,  according  to  the  account  of  the 


1202.]  EUPTURE  WITH  VANG  KHAN.  99 


Temujin  plans  a  stratagem. 


slaves,  that  night.  The  preparations  for  re- 
ceiving him  were  consequently  to  be  made  at 
once.  The  plan  was  for  Temujin  and  all  his 
troops  to  withdraw  from  the  camp  and  conceal 
themselves  in  a  place  of  ambuscade  near  by. 
They  were  to  leave  a  number  of  men  behind, 
who,  when  night  came  on,  were  to  set  the  lights 
and  replenish  the  fires,  and  put  every  thing  in 
such  a  condition  as  to  make  it  appear  that  the 
troops  were  all  there.  Their  expectation  was 
that,  when  Vang  Khan  should  arrive,  he  would 
make  his  assault  according  to  his  original  de- 
sign, and  then,  while  his  forces  were  in  the 
midst  of  the  confusion  incident  to  such  an  on- 
set, Temujin  was  to  come  forth  from  his  ambus- 
cade and  fall  upon  them.  In  this  way  he 
hoped  to  conquer  them  and  put  them  to  flight, 
although  he  had  every  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  force  which  Vang  Khan  would  bring  out 
against  him  would  be  considerably  strongei 
in  numbers  than  hia  own. 


100  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

The  ambuscade.  The  wood  and  the  brook. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL. 

TEMUJIN'S  stratagem  succeeded  admira- 
bly. As  soon  as  he  had  decided  upon  it 
he  began  to  put  it  into  execution.  He  caused 
every  thing  of  value  to  be  taken  out  of  his  tent 
and  carried  away  to  a  place  of  safety.  He  sent 
away  the  women  and  children,  too,  to  the  same 
jxlace.  He  then  marshaled  all  his  men,  except- 
ing the  small  guard  that  he  was  going  to  leave 
behind  until  evening,  and  led  them  off  to  the 
ambuscade  which  he  had  chosen  for  them. 
The  place  was  about  two  leagues  distant  from 
his  camp.  Temujin  concealed  himself  here  in 
a  narrow  dell  among  the  mountains,  not  far 
from  the  road  where  Vang  Khan  would  have 
to  pass  along.  The  dell  was  narrow,  and  was 
protected  by  precipitous  rocks  on  each  side. 
There  was  a  wood  at  the  entrance  to  it  also, 
which  concealed  those  that  were  hidden  in  it 
from  view,  and  a  brook  which  flowed  by  near 
the  entrance,  so  that,  in  going  in  or  coming  out, 
it  was  necessary  to  ford  the  brook. 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  101 

The  guard  left  behind.  Arrival  of  Vang  Khan's  army. 

Temujin,  on  arriving  at  the  spot,  went  with 
all  his  troops  into  the  dell,  and  concealed  him- 
self there. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  guard  that  had  been 
left  behind  in  the  camp  had  been  instructed  to 
kindle  (Qp)  the  camp-fires  as  soon  as  the  evening 
came  on,  according  to  the  usual  custom,  and  to 
set  lights  in  the  tents,  so  as  to  give  the  camp 
the  appearance,  when  seen  from  a  little  dis- 
tance in  the  night,  of  being  occupied,  as  usual, 
by  the  army.  They  were  to  wait,  and  watch 
the  fires  and  lights  until  they  perceived  signs 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  to  attack  the 
camp,  when  they  were  secretly  to  retire  on  the 
farther  side,  and  so  make  their  escape. 

These  preparations,  and  the  march  of  Temu- 
jin's  troops  to  the  place  of  ambuscade,  occupied 
almost  the  whole  of  the  day,  and  it  was  near 
evening  before  the  last  of  the  troops  had  entered 
the  dell. 

They  had  scarce  accomplished  this  manoeu- 
vre before  Vang  Khan's  army  arrived.  Yang 
Khan  himself  was  not  with  them.  He  had  in- 
trusted the  expedition  to  the  command  of  San- 
kum  and  Yemuka.  Indeed,  it  is  probable  that 
they  were  the  real  originators  and  contrivers 
of  it,  and  that  Vang  Khan  had  only  been  in- 
duced to  give  his  consent  to  it — and  that  per- 


102  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

False  hopes.  Assault  upon  the  vacant  camp. 

haps  reluctantly — by  their  persuasions.  San- 
kum  and  Y  emuka  advanced  cautiously  at  the 
head  of  their  columns,  and  when  they  saw  the 
iEummation  of  the  camp  produced  by  the  lights 
and  the  camp-fires,  they  thought  at  once  that 
all  was  right,  and  that  their  old  enemy  and  ri- 
val was  now,  at  last,  within  their  reach  and  at 
their  mercy. 

They  brought  up  the  men  as  near  to  the 
camp  as  they  could  come  without  being  ob- 
served, and  then,  drawing  their  bows  and  mak- 
ing their  arrows  ready,  they  advanced  furiously 
to  the  onset,  and  discharged  an  immense  show- 
er of  arrows  in  among  the  tents.  They  ex- 
pected to  see  thousands  of  men  come  rushing 
out  from  the  tents,  or  starting  up  from  the 
ground  at  this  sudden  assault,  but,  to  their  ut- 
ter astonishment,  all  was  as  silent  and  motion- 
less after  the  falling  of  the  arrows  as  before. 
They  then  discharged  more  arrows,  and,  finding 
that  they  could  not  awaken  any  signs  of  life, 
they  began  to  advance  cautiously  and  enter  the 
camp.  They  found,  of  course,  that  it  had  been 
entirely  evacuated.  They  then  rode  round  and 
round  the  inclosure,  examining  the  ground 
with  flambeaux  and  torches  to  find  the  tracks 
which  Temujin's  army  had  made  in  going 
away.  The  tracks  were  soon  discovered. 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  103 

Advance  of  the  assailants.  The  ambuscade. 

Those  who  first  saw  them  immediately  set  off 
in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  as  they  supposed 
them,  shouting,  at  the  same  time,  for  the  rest  to 
follow.  Some  did  follow  immediately.  Others, 
who  had  strayed  away  to  greater  or  less  dis- 
tances on  either  side  of  the  camp  in  search  of 
the  tracks,  fell  in  by  degrees  as  they  received 
the  order,  while  others  still  remained  among 
the  tents,  where  they  were  to  be  seen  riding  to 
and  fro,  endeavoring  to  make  discoveries,  or 
gathering  together  in  groups  to  express  to  one 
another  their  astonishment,  or  to  inquire  what 
was  next  to  be  done.  They,  however,  all  gradu- 
ally fell  into  the  ranks  of  those  who  were  fol- 
lowing the  track  which  had  been  found,  and 
the  whole  body  went  on  as  fast  as  they  could 
go,  and  in  great  confusion.  They  all  supposed 
that  Temujin  and  his  troops  were  making  a 
precipitate  retreat,  and  were  expecting  every 
moment  to  come  up  to  him  in  his  rear,  in  which 
case  he  would  be  taken  at  great  disadvantage, 
and  would  be  easily  overwhelmed. 

Instead  of  this,  Temujin  was  just  coming  for- 
ward from  his  hiding-place,  with  his  squadrons 
all  in  perfect  order,  and  advancing  in  a  firm, 
steady,  and  compact  column,  all  being  ready  at 
the  word  of  command  to  charge  in  good  order, 
but  with  terrible  impetuosity,  upon  the  advanc- 


104  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Temujin's  victory.  Preparations  for  open  war. 

ing  enemy.  In  this  way  the  two  armies  came 
together.  The  shock  of  the  encounter  was 
terrific.  Temujin,  as  might  have  been  expect- 
ed, was  completely  victorious.  The.  confused 
masses  of  Yang  Khan's  army  were  overborne, 
thrown  into  dreadful  confusion,  and  trampled 
under  foot.  Great  numbers  were  killed.  Those 
that  escaped  being  killed  at  once  turned  and 
fled.  Sankum  was  wounded  in  the  face  by  an 
arrow,  but  he  still  was  able  to  keep  his  seat 
upon  his  horse,  and  so  galloped  away.  Those 
that  succeeded  in  saving  themselves  got  back 
as  soon  as  they  could  into  the  road  by  which 
they  came,  and  so  made  their  way,  in  detached 
and  open  parties,  home  to  Karakorom. 

Of  course,  after  this,  Yang  Khan  could  no 
longer  dissimulate  his  hostility  to  Temujin,  and 
both  parties  prepared  for  open  war. 

The  different  historians  through  whom  we 
derive  our  information  in  respect  to  the  life  and 
adventures  of  Genghis  Khan  have  related  the 
transactions  which  occurred  after  this  open  out- 
break between  Temujin  and  Yang  Khan  some- 
what differently.  Combining  their  accounts, 
we  learn  that  both  parties,  after  the  battle,  open- 
ed negotiations  with  such  neighboring  tribes  as 
they  supposed  likely  to  take  sides  in  the  con- 
flict, each  endeavoring  to  gain  as  many  adher- 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  105 


Temujin  makes  alliances. 


ents  as  possible  to  his  own  cause.  Temujin 
obtained  the  alliance  and  co-operation  of  a  great 
number  of  Tartar  princes  who  ruled  over  hordes 
that  dwelt  in  that  part  of  the  country,  or 
among  the  mountains  around.  Some  of  these 
chieftains  were  his  relatives.  Others  were  in- 
duced to  join  him  by  being  convinced  that  he 
would,  In  the  end,  prove  to  be  stronger  than 
Vang  Khan,  and  being,  in  some  sense,  politi- 
cians as  well  as  warriors,  they  wished  to  be  sure 
of  coming  out  at  the  close  of  the  contest  on  the 
victorious  side. 

There  was  a  certain  khan,  named  Turkili, 
who  was  a  relative  of  Temujin,  and  who  com- 
manded a  very  powerful  tribe.  On  approach- 
ing the  confines  of  his  territory,  Temujin,  not 
being  certain  of  Turkili's  disposition  toward 
him,  sent  forward  an  embassador  to  announce 
his  approach,  and  to  ask  if  Turkili  still  retain- 
ed the  friendship  which  had  long  subsisted  be- 
tween them.  Turkili  might,  perhaps,  have  hes- 
itated which  side  to  join,  but  the  presence  of 
Temujin  with  his  whole  troop  upon  his  fron- 
tier seems  to  have  determined  him,  so  he  sent  a 
favorable  answer,  and  at  once  espoused  Temu- 
jin's  cause. 

Many  other  chieftains  joined  Temujin  in 
much  the  same  way,  and  thus  the  forces  under 


106  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Solemn  league  and  covenant.  Bitter  water.  Recollection  of  the  ceremony. 

his  command  were  constantly  increased.  At 
length,  in  his  progress  across  the  country,  he 
came  with  his  troop  of  followers  to  a  place 
where  there  was  a  stream  of  salt  or  bitter  water 
which  was  unfit  to  drink.  Temujin  encamped 
on  the  shores  of  this  stream,  and  performed  a 
grand  ceremony,  in  which  he  himself  and  his 
allies  banded  themselves  together  in  the  most 
solemn  manner.  In  the  course  of  the  ceremony 
a  horse  was  sacrificed  on  the  shores  of  the 
stream.  Temujin  also  took  up  some  of  the 
water  from  the  brook  and  drank  it,  invoking 
heaven,  at  the  same  time,  to  witness  a  solemn 
vow  which  he  made,  that,  as  long  as  he  lived,  he 
would  share  with  his  officers  and  soldiers  the 
bitter  as  well  as  the  sweet,  and  imprecating 
curses  upon  himself  if  he  should  ever  violate 
his  oath.  All  his  allies  and  officers  did  the 
same  after  him. 

This  ceremony  was  long  remembered  in  the 
army,  all  those  who  had  been  present  and  had 
taken  part  in  it  cherishing  the  recollection  of  it 
with  pride  and  pleasure ;  and  long  afterward, 
when  Temujin  had  attained  to  the  height  of 
his  power  and  glory,  his  generals  considered 
their  having  been  present  at  this  first  solemn 
league  and  covenant  as  conferring  upon  them  a 
eo.rt  of  title  of  nobility,  by  which  they  and  their 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  109 

Temujin'a  strength.  His  letter  to  Vang  Khan. 

descendants  were  to  be  distinguished  forever 
above  all  those  whose  adhesion  to  the  cause  of 
the  conqueror  dated  from  a  later  time. 

By  this  time  Temujin  began  to  feel  quite 
strong.  He  moved  on  with  his  army  till  he 
came  to  the  borders  of  a  lake  which  was  not  a 
great  way  from  Vang  Khan's  dominions.  Here 
he  encamped,  and,  before  proceeding  any  far- 
ther, he  determined  to  try  the  effect,  upon  the 
mind  of  Vang  Khan,  of  a  letter  of  expostula- 
tion and  remonstrance ;  so  he  wrote  to  him,  /^~' 
substantially,  as  follows : 

"A  great  many  years  ago,  in  the  time  of  my 
father,  when  you  were  driven  from  your  throne 
by  your  enemies,  my  father  came  to  your  aid, 
defeated  your  enemies,  and  restored  you. 

"At  a  later  time,  after  I  had  come  into  your 
dominions,  your  brother  conspired  against  you 
with  the  Markats  and  the  Naymans.  I  defeat- 
ed them,  and  helped  you  to  recover  your  power. 
When  you  were  reduced  to  great  distress,  I 
shared  with  you  my  flocks  and  every  thing  that 
I  had. 

"At  another  time,  when  you  were  in  circum- 
stances of  great  danger  and  distress,  you  sent 
to  me  to  ask  that  my  four  intrepids  might  go 
and  rescue  you.  I  sent  them  according  to  your 


110  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Effect  of  the  letter.  Sankum's  anger. 

request,  and  they  delivered  you  from  a  most 
imminent  danger.  They  helped  you  to  con- 
quer your  enemies,  and  to  recover  an  immense 
booty  from  them. 

"In  many  other  instances, when  the  khans 
have  combined  against  you,  I  have  given  you 
most  effectual  aid  in  subduing  them. 

"  How  is  it,  then,  after  receiving  all  these 
benefits  from  me  for  a  period  of  so  many  years, 
that  you  form  plans  to  destroy  me  in  so  base 
and  treacherous  a  manner  ?" 

This.letter  seems  to  have  produced  some  im- 
pression upon  Vang  Khan's  mind ;  but  he  was 
now,  it  seems,  so  much  under  the  influence  of 
Sankum  and  Yemuka  that  he  could  decide 
nothing  for  himself.  He  sent  the  letter  to  San- 
kum to  ask  him  what  answer  should  be  return- 
ed. But  Sankum,  in  addition  to  his  former 
feelings  of  envy  and  jealousy  against  Temujin, 
was  now  irritated  and  angry  in  consequence  of 
the  wound  that  he  nad  received,  and  determ- 
ined to  have  his  revenge.  He  would  not  hear 
of  any  accommodation. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  khans  of  all  the  Tartar 
and  Mongul  tribes  that  lived  in  the  countries 
bordering  on  Vang  Khan's  dominions,  hearing 
of  the  rupture  between  Vang  Khan  and  Temu- 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  Ill 

Great  accessions  to  Temujin's  army.  Mongolistan. 

jin,  and  aware  of  the  great  struggle  for  the 
mastery  between  these  two  potentates  that  was 
about  to  take  place,  became  more  and  more  in- 
terested in  the  quarrel.  Temujin  was  very 
active  in  opening  negotiations  with  them,  and 
in  endeavoring  to  induce  them  to  take  his  side. 
He  was  a  comparatively  young  and  rising  man, 
while  Vang  Khan  was  becoming  advanced  in 
years,  and  was  now  almost  wholly  under  the 
influence  of  Sankum  and  Yemuka.  Temujin, 
moreover,  had  already  acquired  great  fame  and 
great  popularity  as  a  commander,  and  his  rep- 
utation was  increasing  every  day,  while  Vang 
Khan's  glory  was  evidently  on  the  wane.  A 
great  number  of  the  khans  were,  of  course,  pre- 
disposed to  take  Temujin's  side.  Others  he 
compelled  to  join  him  by  force,  and  others  he 
persuaded  by  promising  to  release  them  from 
the  exactions  and  the  tyranny  which  Vang 
Khan  had  exercised  over  them,  and  declaring 
that  he  was  a  messenger  especially  sent  from 
heaven  to  accomplish  their  deliverance.  Those 
Asiatic  tribes  were  always  ready  to  believe  in 
military  messengers  sent  from  heaven  to  make 
conquests  for  their  benefit. 

Among  other  nations  who  joined  Temujin  at 
this  time  were  the  people  of  his  own  country  of 
Mongolistan  Proper.  He  was  received  very 


112  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Final  attempt  at  negotiation.  Sankum'a  answer. 

joyfully  by  his  stepfather,  who  was  in  com- 
mand there,  and  by  all  his  former  subjects,  and 
they  all  promised  to_ sustain  him  in  the  coming 
war. 

After  a  time,  when  Temujin  had  by  these 
and  similar  means  greatly  increased  the  number 
of  his  adherents,  and  proportionately  strength- 
ened his  position,  he  sent  an  embassador  again 
to  Yang  Khan  to  propose  some  accommoda- 
tion. Vang  Khan  called  a  council  to  consider 
the  proposal.  But  Sankum  and  Yemuka  per- 
sisted in  refusing  to  allow  any  accommodation 
to  be  made.  They  declared  that  they  would 
not  listen  to  proposals  of  peace  on  any  other 
condition  than  that  of  the  absolute  surrender 
of  Temujin,  and  of  all  who  were  confederate 
with  him,  to  Yang  Khan  as  their  lawful  sov- 
ereign. Sankum  himself  delivered  the  message 
to  the  embassador. 

"  Tell  the  rebel  Monguls,"  said  he,  "that  they 
are  to  expect  no  peace  but  by  submitting  abso- 
lutely to  the  khan's  will ;  and  as  for  Temujin, 
I  will  never  see  him  again  till  I  come  to  him 
sword  in  hand  to  kill  him." 

Immediately  after  this  Sankum  and  Yemuka 
sent  off  some  small  plundering  expeditions  into 
the  Mongul  country,  but  they  were  driven  back 
by  Temujin's  troops  without  effecting  their 


1202.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  QUARREL.  113 

Skirmishes. 

; ; 

purpose.  The  result  of  these  skirmishes  was, 
however,  greatly  to  exasperate  both  parties, 
and  to  lead  them  to  prepare  in  earnest  for  open 
war. 

12—8 


114  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1202. 


A  council  called. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  DEATH  OF  VANG  KHAN. 

A  GRAND  council  was  now  called  of  all 
the  confederates  who  were  leagued  with 
Temujin,  at  a  place  called  Mankerule,  to  make 
arrangements  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war.  At  this  council  were  convened  all  the 
chieftains  and  khans  that  had  been  induced  to 
declare  against  Vang  Khan.  Each  one  came 
attended  by  a  considerable  body  of  troops  as 
his  escort,  and  a  grand  deliberation  was  held. 
Some  were  in  favor  of  trying  once  more  to  come 
to  some  terms  of  accommodation  with  Vang 
Khan,  but  Temujin  convinced  them  that  there 
was  nothing  to  be  hoped  for  except  on  condi- 
tion of  absolute  submission,  and  that,  in  that 
case,  Vang  Khan  would  never  be  content  until 
he  had  effected  the  utter  ruin  of  every  one  who 
had  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion.  So  it  was, 
at  last,  decided  that  every  man  should  return 
to  his  own  tribe,  and  there  raise  as  large  a  force 
as  he  could,  with  a  view  to  carrying  on  the  war 
with  the  utmost  vigor. 


1202.]   DEATH  OF  VANG   KHAN.       115 

Temujin  made  general-in-chief.  He  distributes  rewards. 

Temujin  was  formally  appointed  general-in- 
chief  of  the  army  to  be  raised.  There  was  a 
sort  of  truncheon  or  ornamented  club,  called 
the  topaz,  which  it  was  customary  on  such  oc- 
casions to  bestow,  with  great  solemnity,  on  the 
general  thus  chosen,  as  his  ba$ge  of  command. 
The  topaz  was,  in  this  instance,  conferred  upon 
Temujin  with  all  the  usual  ceremonies.  He 
accepted  it  on  the  express  condition  that  every 
man  would  punctually  and  implicitly  obey  all 
his  orders,  and  "that  he  should  have  absolute 
power  to  punish  any  one  who  should  disobey 
him  in  the  way  that  he  judged  best,  and  that 
they  should  submit  without  question  to  all  his 
decisions.  To  these  conditions  they  all  sol- 
emnly agreed. 

Being  thus  regularly  placed  in  command, 
Temujin  began  by  giving  places  of  honor  and 
authority  to  those  who  left  Vang  Khan's  serv* 
ice  to  follow  him.  He  took  this  occasion  to  re- 
member  and  reward  the  two  slaves  who  had 
come  to  him  in  the  night  at  his  camp,  some 
time  before,  to  give  him  warning  of  the  design 
of  Sankum  and  Yemuka  to  come  and  surprise 
him  there.  He  gave  the  slaves  their  freedom, 
and  made  provision  for  their  maintenance  as 
long  as  they  should  live.  He  also  put  them  on 
the  list  of  exempts.  The  exempts  were  a  class 


116  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 


Reward  of  the  two  slaves. 


of  persons  upon  whom,  as  a  reward  for  great 
public  services,  were  conferred  certain  exclu- 
sive rights  and  privileges.  They  had  no  taxes 
to  pay.  In  case  of  plunder  taken  from  the  en- 
emy, they  received  their  full  share  without  any 
deduction,  while  all  the  others  were  obliged  to 
contribute  a  portion  of  their  shares  for  the  khan. 
The  exempts,  too,  were  allowed  various  other 
privileges.  They  had  the  right  to  go  into  the 
presence  of  the  khan  at  any  time,  without  wait- 
ing, as  others  were  obliged  to  do,  till  they  ob- 
tained permission,  and,  what  was  more  singular 
still,  they  were  entitled  to  nine  pardons  for  any 
offenses  that  they  might  commit,  so  that  it  was 
only  when  they  had  committed  ten  misdemean- 
ors or  crimes  that  they  were  in  danger  of  pun- 
ishment. The  privileges  which  Temujin  thus 
bestowed  upon  the  slaves  were  to  be  continued 
to  their  descendants  to  the  seventh  generation. 

Temujin  rewarded  the  slaves  in  this  bounti- 
ful manner,  partly,  no  doubt,  out  of  sincere 
gratitude  to  them  for  having  been  the  means, 
probably,  of  saving  him  and  his  army  from  de- 
struction, and  partly  for  effect,  in  order  to  im- 
press upon  his  followers  a  strong  conviction 
that  any  great  services  rendered  to  him  or  to 
his  cause  were  certain  to  be  well  rewarded. 

Temujin  now  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 


1202.]   DEATH  OF  VANG  KHAN.       117 

Organization  of  the  army.  Mode  of  attack.  The  two  armies. 


very  large  body  of  men,  and  his  first  care  was 
to  establish  a  settled  system  of  discipline  among 
them,  so  that  they  could  act  with  regularity  and 
order  when  coming  into  battle.  He  divided  his 
army  into  three  separate  bodies.  The  centre 
was  composed  of  his  own  guards,  and  was  com- 
manded by  himself.  The  wings  were  formed 
of  the  squadrons  of  his  confederates  and  allies. 
His  plan  in  coming  into  battle  was  to  send  for- 
ward the  two  wings,  retaining  the  centre  as  a 
rjeseES6)  and  hold  them  prepared  to  rush  in  with 
irresistible  power  whenever  the  time  should  ar- 
rive at  which  their  coming  would  produce  the 
greatest  effect. 

When  every  thing  was  thus  arranged,  Te- 
mujin  set  his  army  in  motion,  and  began  to  ad- 
vance toward  the  country  of  Vang  Khan.  The 
squadrons  which  composed  his  immense  horde 
were  so  numerous  that  they  covered  all  the 
plain. 

In  the  mean  time  Vang  Khan  had  not  been 
idle.  He,  or  rather  Sankum  and  Yemuka,  act- 
ing in  his  name,  had  assembled  a  great  army, 
and  he  had  set  out  on  his  march  from  Karako- 
rom  to  meet  his  enemy.  His  forces,  however, 
though  more  numerous,  were  by  no  means  so 
well  disciplined  and  arranged  as  those  of  Te- 
mujin.  They  were  greatly  encumbered,  too, 


118  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

The  baggage.  Meeting  of  the  two  armies.  The  battle. 

with  baggage,  the  army  being  followed  in  its 
march  by  endless  trains  of  wagons  conveying 
provisions,  arms,  and  military  stores  of  all  kinds. 
Its  progress  was,  therefore,  necessarily  slow,  for 
the  troops  of  horsemen  were  obliged  to  regu- 
late their  speed  by  the  movement  of  the  wag- 
ons, which,  on  account  of  the  heavy  burdens 
that  they  contained,  and  the  want  of  finished 
roads,  was  necessarily  slow. 

The  two  armies  met  upon  a  plain  between 
two  rivers,  and  a  most  desperate  and  bloody 
battle  ensued.  Karasher,  Temujin's  former  tu- 
tor, led  one  of  the  divisions  of  Temujin's  army, 
and  was  opposed  by  Yemuka,  who  headed  the 
wing  of  Vang  Khan's  army  which  confronted 
his  division.  The  other  wings  attacked  each 
other,  too,  in  the  most  furious  manner,  and  for 
three  hours  it  was  doubtful  which  party  would 
be  successful.  At  length  Temujin,  who  had  all 
this  time  remained  in  the  background  with  his 
reserve,  saw  that  the  favorable  moment  had  ar- 
rived for  him  to  intervene,  and  he  gave  the 
order  for  his  guards  "to  charge,  which  they  did 
with  such  impetuosity  as  to  carry  all  before 
them.  One  after  another  of  Vang  Khan's 
squadrons  was  overpowered,  thrown  into  con- 
fusion, and  driven  from  the  field.  It  was  not 
long  before  Vang  Khan  saw  that  all  was  lost 


1202.]    DEATH  OF  VANG  KHAN.       119 

Vang  Khan  defeated.       His  flight.      His  relations  with  the  Naymam. 

He  gave  up  the  contest  and  fled.  A  small 
troop  of  horsemen,  consisting  of  his  immediate 
attendants  and  guards,  went  with  him.  At  first 
the  fugitives  took  the  road  toward  Karakorom. 
They  were,  however,  so  hotly  pursued  that  they 
were  obliged  to  turn  off  in  another  direction, 
and,  finally,  Vang  Khan  resolved  to  fly  from  his 
own  country  altogether,  and  appeal  for  protec- 
tion to  a  certain  chieftain,  named  Tayian  Khan, 
who  ruled  over  a  great  horde  called  the  Nay- 
mans,  one  of  the  most  powerful  tribes  in  the 
country  of  Karakatay.  This  Tayian  was  the 
father  of  Temujin's  first  wife,  the  young  prin- 
cess to  whom  he  was  married  during  the  life- 
time of  his  father,  when  he  was  only  about 
fourteen  years  old. 

It  was  thought  strange  that  Vang  Khan 
should  thus  seek  refuge  among  the  Naymans, 
for  he  had  not,  for  some  time  past,  been  on 
friendly  terms  either  with  Tayian,  the  khan,  or 
with  the  tribe.  There  were,  in  particular,  a 
considerable  number  of  the  subordinate  chief- 
tains who  cherished  a  deep-seated  resentment 
against  him  for  injuries  which  he  had  inflicted 
upon  them  and  upon  their  country  in  former 
wars.  But  all  these  Tartar  tribes  entertained 
very  high  ideas  of  the  obligations  of  hospital- 
ity, and  Vang  Khan  thought  that  when  tlw 


120  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Debates  among  the  Xaymans.  Tajian. 

Naymans  saw  him  coming  among  them,  a  fugi- 
tive and  in  distress,  they  would  lay  aside  their 
animosity,  and  give  him  a  kind  reception. 

Indeed,  Tayian  himself,  on  whom,  as  the  head 
of  the  tribe,  the  chief  discredit  would  attach  of 
any  evil  befalling  a  visitor  and  a  guest  who  had 
come  in  his  distress  to  seek  hospitality,  was  in- 
clined, at  first,  to  receive  his  enemy  kindly,  and 
to  offer  him  a  refuge.  He  debated  the  matter 
with  the  other  chieftains  after  Vang  Khan  had 
entered  his  dominions  and  was  approaching  his 
camp ;  but  they  were  extremely  unwilling  that 
any  mercy  should  be  shown  to  their  fallen  en- 
emy. They  represented  to  Tayian  how  great 
an  enemy  he  had  always  been  to  them.  They 
exaggerated  the  injuries  which  he  had  done 
them,  and  represented  them  in  their  worst 
light.  They  said,  moreover,  that,  by  harboring 
Vang  Khan,  they  should  only  involve  them- 
selves in  a  war  with  Temujin,  who  would  un- 
doubtedly follow  his  enemy  into  their  country, 
and  would  greatly  resent  any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  protect  him. 

These  considerations  had  great  effect  on  the 
mind  of  Tayian,  but  still  he  could  not  bring 
himself  to  give  his  formal  consent  to  any  act 
of  hostility  against  Vang  Khan.  So  the  other 
chieftains  held  a  council  among  themselves  to 


1202.]    DEATH  OF  VANG  KHAN.       121 


Plan  of  the  chieftains.  Vang  Khan  beheaded. 

consider  what  they  should  do.  They  resolved 
to  take  upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of 
slaying  Vang  Khan. 

"We  can  not  induce  Tayian  openly  to  au- 
thorize it,"  they  said,  "but  he  secretly  desires 
it,  and  he  will  be  glad  when  it  is  done." 

Tayian  knew  very  well  what  course  things 
were  taking,  though  he  pretended  not  to  know, 
and  so  allowed  the  other  chiefs  to  go  on  in  their 
own  way. 

They  accordingly  fitted  out  a  troop,  and  two 
of  the  chieftains — the  two  who  felt  the  most 
bitter  and  determined  hatred  against  Vang 
Khan — placing  themselves  at  the  head  of  it,  set 
off  to  intercept  him.  He  had  lingered  on  the 
way,  it  seems,  after  entering  the  Nayman  terri- 
tory, in  order  to  learn,  before  he  advanced  too 
far,  what  reception  he  was  likely  to  meet  with. 
The  troop  of  Naymans  came  suddenly  upon 
him  in  his  encampment,  slew  all  his  attendants, 
and,  seizing  Vang  Khan,  they  cut  off  his  head. 
They  left  the  body  where  it  lay,  and  carried  off 
the  head  to  show  it  to  Tayian. 

Tayian  was  secretly  pleased,  and  he  could 
not  quite  conceal  the  gratification  which  the 
death  of  his  old  enemy  afforded  him.  He  even 
addressed  the  head  in  words  of  scorn  and  spite, 
which  revealed  the  exultation  that  he  felt  at 


122  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Tayian's  deceit.  Disposal  made  of  his  head.  Sankum  slain. 

the  downfall  of  his  rival.  Then,  however, 
checking  himself,  he  blamed  the  chieftains  for 
killing  him. 

"Considering  his  venerable  age,"  said  he, 
"  and  his  past  greatness  and  renown  as  a  prince 
and  commander,  you  would  have  done  much 
better  to  have  acted  as  his  guards  than  as  his 
executioners." 

Tayian  ordered  the  head  to  be  treated  with 
the  utmost  respect.  After  properly  preparing 
it,  by  some  process  of  drying  and  preserving,  he 
caused  it  to  be  inclosed  in  a  case  of  silver,  and 
set  in  a  place  of  honor. 

While  the  preparations  for  this  sort  of  en- 
tombment were  making,  the  head  was  an  object 
of  a  very  solemn  and  mysterious  interest  for  all 
the  horde.  They  said  that  the  tongue  thrust 
itself  several  times  out  of  the  mouth,  and  the 
soothsayers,  who  watched  the  changes  with 
great  attention,  drew  from  them  important 
presages  in  respect  to  the  coming  events  of  the 
war.  These  presages  were  strongly  in  favor 
of  the  increasing  prosperity  and  power  of  Te- 
mujin. 

Sankum,  the  son  of  Vang  Khan,  was  killed 
in  the  battle,  but  Yemuka  escaped. 


1202.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       123 

The  victory  complete.  Exaggeration.  The  plunder. 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA. 

IN"  the  mean  time,  while  these  events  had 
been  occurring  in  the  country  of  the  Nay- 
mans,  whither  Vang  Khan  had  fled,  Temujin 
was  carrying  all  before  him  in  the  country  of 
Vang  Khan.  His  victory  in  the  battle  was 
complete ;  and  it  must  have  been  a  very  great 
battle,  if  any  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the  ac- 
counts given  of  the  number  slain,  which  it  was 
said  amounted  to  forty  thousand.  These  num- 
bers are,  however,  greatly  exaggerated.  And 
then,  besides,  the  number  slain  in  such  barba- 
rian conflicts  was  always  much  greater,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  numbers  engaged,  than  it  is  in  the 
better-regulated  warfare  of  civilized  nations  in 
modern  times.  >jj9A 

At  all  events,  Temujin  gained  a  very  grand 
and  decisive  victory.  He  took  a  great  many 
prisoners  and  a  great  deal  of  plunder.  All 
those  trains  of  wagons  fell  into  his  hands,  and 
the  contents  of  many  of  them  were  extremely 
valuable,  IJe  took  also  a  great  number  of 


124  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Great  accession.  The  khans  submit.  Sankum  and  Yemuka. 

horses.  Most  of  these  were  horses  that  had 
belonged  to  the  men  who  were  killed  or  who 
had  been  made  prisoners.  All  the  best  troops 
that  remained  of  Yang  Khan's  army  after  the 
battle  also  went  over  to  his  side.  They  consid- 
ered that  Yang  Khan's  power  was  now  entire- 
ly overthrown,  and  that  thenceforth  Temujin 
would  be  the  acknowledged  ruler  of  the  whole 
country.  They  were  accordingly  ready  at  once 
to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  him. 

Yery  soon  Temujin  received  the  news  of 
Yang  Khan's  death  from  his  father-in-law  Tay- 
ian,  and  then  proceeded  with  more  vigor  than 
before  to  take  possession  of  all  his  dominions. 
The  khans  who  had  formerly  served  under 
Yang  Khan  sent  in  their  adhesion  to  him  one 
after  another.  They  not  only  knew  that  all 
farther  resistance  would  be  useless,  but  they 
were,  in  fact,  well  pleased  to  transfer  their  al- 
legiance to  their  old  friend  and  favorite.  Te- 
mujin made  a  sort  of  triumphal  march  through 
the  country,  being  received  every  where  with 
rejoicings  and  acclamations  of  welcome.  His 
old  enemies,  Sankum  and  Yemuka,  had  disap- 
peared. Yemuka,  who  had  been,  after  all,  the 
leading  spirit  in  the  opposition  to  Temujin, 
still  held  a  body  of  armed  men  together,  con- 
sisting of  all  the  troops  that  he  had  been  able 


1202.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       125 

Hakembu  and  his  daughter.  Hakembu's  fears. 

to  rally  after  the  battle,  but  it  was  not  known 
exactly  where  he  had  gone. 

The  other  relatives  and  friends  of  Yang 
Khan  went  over  to  Temujin's  side  without  any 
delay.  Indeed,  they  vied  with  each  other  to 
see  who  should  most  recommend  themselves  to 
his  favor.  A  brother  of  Vang  Khan,  who  was 
an  influential  and  powerful  chieftain,  came 
among  the  rest  to  tender  his  services,  and,  by 
way  of  a  present  to  conciliate  Temujin's  good 
will,  he  brought  him  his  daughter,  whom  he  of- 
fered to  Temujin  as  an  addition  to  the  number 
of  his  wives. 

Temujin  received  the  brother  very  kindly. 
He  accepted  the  present  which  he  brought  him 
of  his  daughter,  but,  as  he  had  already  plenty 
of  wives,  and  as  one  of  his  principal  officers,  the 
captain  of  his  guards,  seemed  to  take  a  special 
fancy  to  her,  he  very  generously,  as  was  thought, 
passed  over  the  young  lady  to  him.  Of  course, 
the  young  lady  herself  had  nothing  to  say  in 
the  case.  She  was  obliged  to  acquiesce  sub- 
missively in  any  arrangement  which  her  father 
and  the  other  khans  thought  proper  to  make  in 
respect  to  the  disposal  of  her. 

The  name  of  the  prince  her  father  was  Ha- 
kembu. He  came  into  Temujin's  camp  with 
many  misgivings,  fearing  that,  as  he  was  a 


126  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Temujin's  gratitude.  Hia  reply. 

brother  of  Yang  Khan,  Temujin  might  feel  a 
special  resentment  against  him,  and,  perhaps, 
refuse  to  accept  his  submission  and  his  proffer- 
ed presents.  When,  therefore,  he  found  how 
kindly  he  was  received,  his  mind  was  greatly 
relieved,  and  he  asked  Temujin  to  appoint  him 
to  some  command  in  his  army. 

Temujin  replied  that  he  would  do  it  with 
great  pleasure,  and  the  more  readily  because  it 
was  the  brother  of  Yang  Khan  who  asked  it. 
"Indeed,"  said  he  to  Hakembu,  "I  owe  you 
all  the  kind  treatment  in  my  power  for  your 
brother's  sake,  in  return  for  the  succor  and  pro- 
tection for  which  I  was  indebted  to  him,  in  my 
misfortunes,  in  former  times,  when  he  received 
me,  a  fugitive  and  an  exile,  at  his  court,  and 
bestowed  upon  me  so  many  favors.  I  have 
never  forgotten,  and  never  shall  forget,  the 
great  obligations  I  am  under  to  him ;  and  al- 
though in  later  years  he  turned  against  me, 
still  I  have  never  blamed  either  him  or  his  son 
Sankum  for  this,  but  have  constantly  attrib- 
uted it  to  the  false  representations  and  evil  in- 
fluence of  Yemuka,  who  has  always  been  my 
jlmplacable  enemy.  I  do  not,  therefore,  feel 
any  resentment  against  Yang  Khan  for  having 
thus  turned  against  me,  nor  do  I  any  the  less 
respect  his  memory  on  that  account ;  and  I  am 


1202.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       127 

Yemuka  makes  his  escape.  Arrives  in  Tayian's  dominions. 

Very  glad  that  an  opportunity  now  occurs  for 
me  to  make,  through  you,  his  brother,  some 
small  acknowledgment  of  the  debt  of  gratitude 
which  I  owe  him." 

So  Temujin  gave  Hakembu  an  honorable 
post  in  his  army,  and  treated  him  in  all  respects 
with  great  consideration.  If  he  acted  usually 
in  this  generous  manner,  it  is  not  at  all  surpris- 
ing that  he  acquired  that  boundless  influence 
over  the  minds  of  his  followers  which  aided 
him  so  essentially  in  attaining  his  subsequent 
greatness  and  renown. 

In  the  mean  time,  although  Sankum  was 
killed,  Yemuka  had  succeeded  in  making  his 
escape,  and,  after  meeting  with  various  adven- 
tures, he  finally  reached  the  country  of  Tay- 
ian.  He  led  with  him  there  all  that  portion 
of  Vang  Khan's  army  that  had  saved  them- 
selves from  being  killed  or  made  prisoners, 
and  also  a  great  number  of  officers.  These 
broken  troops  Yemuka  had  reorganized,  as  well 
as  he  could,  by  collecting  the  scattered  rem- 
nants and  rearranging  the  broken  squadrons, 
and  in  this  manner,  accompanied  by  such  of 
the  sick  and  wounded  as  were  able  to  ride,  had 
arrived  in  Tayian's  dominions.  He  was  known 
to  be  a  general  of  great  abilities,  and  he  was 
Very  favorably  received  in  Tayian's  court 


128  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1202 

Tayian' s  conversations  with  Yemuka. 


Indeed,  Tayian,  having  heard  rumors  of  the 
rapid  manner  in  which  Temujin  was  extending 
his  conquests  and  his  power,  began  to  be  some- 
what jealous  of  him,  and  to  think  that  it  was 
time  for  him  to  take  measures  to  prevent  this 
aggrandizement  of  his  son-in-law  from  going 
too  far. 

Of  course,  Tayian  held  a  great  many  conver- 
sations with  Yemuka  in  respect  to  Temujin's 
character  and  schemes.  These  Yemuka  took 
care  to  represent  in  the  most  unfavorable  light, 
in  order  to  increase  as  much  as  possible  Tay- 
ian's feelings  of  suspicion  and  jealousy.  He 
represented  Temujin  as  a  very  ambitious  man, 
full  of  schemes  for  his  own  aggrandizement, 
and  without  any  sentiments  of  gratitude  or  of 
honor  to  restrain  him  in  the  execution  of  them. 
He  threw  wholly  upon  him  the  responsibility 
of  the  war  with  Vang  Khan.  It  grew,  he  said, 
out  of  plots  which  Temujin  had  formed  to  de- 
stroy both  Vang  Khan  and  his  son,  notwith- 
standing the  great  obligations  he  had  been  un- 
der to  them  for  their  kindness  to  him  in  his 
misfortunes.  Yemuka  urged  Tayian  also  to 
arouse  himself,  before  it  was  too  late,  to  guard 
himself  from  the  danger. 

"  He  is  your  son,  it  is  true,"  said  he,  "and  he 
professes  to  be  jour  friend,  but  he  is  so  treacb 


1202.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       129 

Yemuka's  representations  of  Temiyin's  character.  Plots  fornwd. 

erous  and  unprincipled  that  you  can  place  no 
reliance  upon  him  whatever,  and,  notwithstand- 
ing all  your  past  kindness  to  him,  and  the  tie 
of  relationship  which  ought  to  bind  him  to  you, 
he  will  as  readily  form  plans  to  compass  your 
destruction  as  he  would  that  of  any  other  man 
the  moment  he  imagines  that  you  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  accomplishment  of  his  ambitious 
schemes." 

These  representations,  acting  upon  Tayian's 
natural  apprehensions  and  fears,  produced  a 
very  sensible  effect,  and  at  length  Tayian  was 
induced  to  take  some  measures  for  defending 
himself  from  the  threatened  danger.  So  he 
opened  negotiations  with  the  khans  of  vari- 
ous tribes  which  he  thought  likely  to  join 
him,  and  soon  formed  quite  a  powerful  league 
of  the  enemies  of  Temujin,  and  of  all  who 
were  willing  to  join  in  an  attempt  to  rgs_trict 
his  power. 

These  steps  were  all  taken  with  great  secrecy, 
for  Yemuka  and  Tayian  were  very  desirous 
that  Temujin  should  know  nothing  of  the 
league  which  they  were  forming  against  him 
until  their  arrangements  were  fully  matured, 
and  they  were  ready  for  action.  They  did  not, 
however,  succeed  in  keeping  the  secret  as  long 
as  they  intended.  They  were  generally  care- 
12—9 


130  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1202. 

Alakus.  The  plots  revealed  to  Temujin.  He  ia  deceived. 

ful  not  to  propose  to  any  khan  or  chieftain  to 
join  them  in  their  league  until  they  had  first 
fully  ascertained  that  he  was  favorable  to  the 
object  of  it.  But,  growing  less  cautious  as  they 
went  on,  they  at  last  made  a  mistake.  Tayian 
sent  proposals  to  a  certain  prince  or  khan, 
named  Alakus,  inviting  him  to  join  the  league. 
These  proposals  were  contained  in  a  letter 
which  was  sent  by  a  special  messenger.  The 
letter  sp^sifie&all  the  particulars  of  the  league, 
with  a  statement  of  the  plans  which  the  allies  -^ 
were  intending  to  pursue,  and  an  enumeration- " v 
of  the  principal  khans  or  tribes  that  were  al- 
ready engaged. 

Now  it  happened  that  this  Alakus,  who 
reigned  over  a  nation  of  numerous  and  power- 
ful tribes  on  the  confines  of  China,  was,  for 
some  reason  or  other,  inclined  to  take  Temu- 
jin's  side  in  the  quarrel.  So  he  detained  the 
messenger  who  brought  the  letter  as  a  prison- 
er, and  sent  the  letter  itself,  containing  all  the 
particulars  of  the  conspiracy,  at  once  to  Temu- 
jin. Temujin  was  greatly  surprised  at  receiv- 
ing the  intelligence,  for,  up  to  that  moment, 
he  had  considered  his  father-in-law  Tayian  as 
one  of  his  best  and  most  trustworthy  friends. 
He  immediately  called  a  grand  council  of  war 
to  consider  what  was  to  be  done. 


1203.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       131 

The  young  Prince  Jughi.  Council  of  war. 

Temujin  had  a  son  named  Jughi.  who  had 
now  grown  up  to  be  a  young  man.  Jughi's 
father  thought  it  was  now  time  for  his  son  to 
begin  to  take  his  place  and  act  his  part  among 
the  other  princes  and  chieftains  of  his  court, 
and  he  accordingly  gave  him  a  seat  at  this 
council,  and  thus  publicly  recognized  him,  for 
the  first  time,  as  one  of  the  chief  personages  of 
the  state. 

The  council,  after  hearing  a  statement  of  the 
case  in  respect  to  the  league  which  Tayian  and 
the  others  were  forming,  were  strongly  inclined 
to  combine  their  forces  and  march  at  once  to 
attack  the  enemy  before  their  plans  should  be 
more  fully  matured.  But  there  was  a  difficulty 
in  respect  to  horses.  The  horses  of  the  differ- 
ent hordes  that  belonged  to  Temujin's  army 
had  become  so  much  exhausted  by  the  long 
marches  and  other  fatigues  that  they  had  un- 
dergone_in  the  late  campaigns,  that  they  would 
not  be  in  a  fit  condition  to  commence  a  new 
expedition  until  they  had  had  some  time  to  rest 
and  recruit.  But  a  certain  khan,  named  Bulay, 
an  undo  of  Temujin's,  at  once  removed  this 
objection  by  offering  to  furnish  a  full  supply 
of  fresh  horses  for  the  whole  army  from  his 
his  own  herds.  This  circumstance  shows  on 
what  an  immense  scale  the  pastoral  occupations 


132  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Yeinuka  and  Tayian.  Temujin  crosses  the  frontier. 

of  the  great  Asiatic  chieftains  were  conducted 
in  those  days. 

Temujin  accepted  this  offer  on  the  part  of  his 
uncle,  and  preparations  were  immediately  made 
for  the  marching  of  the  expedition.  As  soon 
as  the  news  of  these  preparations  reached  Ye- 
inuka, he  urged  Tayian  to  assemble  the  allied 
troops  immediately,  and  go  out  to  meet  TeniU' 
jin  and  his  army  before  they  should  cross  the 
frontier. 

"  It  is  better,"  said  he,  addressing  Tayian, 
"  that  you  should  meet  and  fight  him  on  his 
own  ground,  rather  than  to  wait  until  he  has 
crossed  the  frontier  and  commenced  his  ravages 
in  yours." 

"  No,"  said  Tayian,  in  reply,  "it  is  better  to 
wait.  The  farther  he  advances  on  his  march, 
the  more  his  horses  and  his  men  will  be  spent 
with  fatigue,  the  scantier  will  be  their  supplies, 
and  the  more  difficult  will  he  find  it  to  effect 
his  retreat  after  we  shall  have  gained  a  victory 
over  him  in  battle." 

So  Tayian,  though  he  began  to  assemble  his 
forces,  did  not  advance ;  and  when  Temujin,  at 
the  head  of  his  host,  reached  the  Nayman  fron- 
tier— for  the  country  over  which  Tayian  reign- 
ed was  called  the  country  of  the  Naymans — he 
was  surprised  to  find  no  enemy  there  to  defend 


03.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.       133 

His  advance.  Preparation  for  battle.  Kushluk  and  JughL 

it.  He  was  the  more  surprised  at  this  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  frontier,  being  formed  by 
a  river,  might  have  been  very  easily  defended. 
But  when  he  arrived  at  the  bank  of  the  river 
the  way  was  clear.  He  immediately  crossed 
the  stream  with  all  his  forces,  and  then  marched 
on  into  the  Nayman  territory. 

Temujin  took  good  care,  as  he  advanced,  to 
guard  against  the  danger  into  which  Tayian 
had  predicted  that  he  would  fall — that  of  ex- 
hausting the  strength  of  his  men  and  of  his 
animals,  and  also  his  stores  of  food.  He  took 
good  care  to  provide  and  to  take  with  him 
abundant  supplies,  and  also  to  advance  so  care- 
fully and  by  such  easy  stages  as  to  keep  both 
the  men  and  the  horses  fresh  and  in  full  strength 
all  the  way.  In  this  order  and  condition  he  at 
last  arrived  at  the  spot  where  Tayian  had  form 
ed  his  camp  and  assembled  his  armies. 

Both  sides  immediately  marshaled  their 
troops  in  order  of  battle.  Yemuka  was  chief 
in  command  on  Tayian's  side.  He  was  assist- 
ed by  a  young  prince,  the  son  of  Tayian,  whose 
name  was  Kushluk.  On  the  other  hand,  Ju. 
ghi,  the  young  son  of  Temujin,  who  had  been 
brought  forward  at  the  council,  was  appointed 
to  a  very  prominent  position  on  his  father's 
side.  Indeed,  these  two  young  princes,  who 


134  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Great  battle.  Temujin  again  victorious.  Tayian  killed. 

were  animated  by  an  intense  feeling  of  rivalry 
and  emulation  toward  each  other,  were  appoint- 
ed to  lead  the  V^D,  on  their  respective  sides  in 
commencing  the  battle ;  Jughi  advancing  first 
to  the  attack,  and  being  met  by  Kushluk,  to 
whom  was  committed  the  charge  of  rerjellirjtg 
him.  The  two  princes  fought  throughout  the 
battle  with  the  utmost  bravery,  and  both  of 
them  acquired  great  renown. 

The  battle  was  commenced  early  in  the 
morning  and  continued  all  day.  In  the  end, 
Temujin  was  completely  vict6rious.  Tayian 
was  mortally  wounded  early  in  the  day.  He 
was  immediately  taken  off  the  field,  and  every 
possible  effort  was  made  to  save  his  life,  but  he 
soon  ceased  to  breathe.  His  son,  the  Prince 
Kushluk,  fought  valiantly  during  the  whole 
day,  but  toward  night,  finding  that  all  was  lost, 
he  fled,  taking  with  him  as  many  of  the  troops 
as  he  could  succeed  in  getting  together  in  the 
confusion,  and  at  the  head  of  this  band  made 
the  best  of  his  way  into  the  dominions  of  one 
of  his  uncles,  his  father's  brother,  where  he 
hoped  to  find  a  temporary  shelter  until  he 
should  have  time  to  determine  what  was  to  be 
done. 

As  for  Yemuka,  after  fighting  with  desper- 
ate fury  all  day,  he  was  at  last,  toward  night, 


1203.]  THE  DEATH  OF  YEMUKA.      135 


Yemuka  is  beheaded. 


surrounded  and  overpowered,  and  so  made 
prisoner.  Temujin  ordered  his  head  to  be  cut 
off  immediately  after  the  battle  was  over.  He 
considered  him,  not  as  an  honorable  and  open 
foe,  but  rather  as  a  rebel  and  traitor,  and,  con- 
sequently,  undeserving  of  any  mercy. 


136  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Plans  for  the  formation  of  a  government 


CHAPTER  XI. 
ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

THERE  was  now  a  vast  extent  of  country, 
comprising  a  very  large  portion  of  the  in- 
terior of  the  Asiatic  Continent,  and,  indeed,  an 
immense  number  of  wealthy,  powerful  hordes, 
under  Temujin^  dominion,  and  he  at  once  re- 
solved to  consolidate  his  dominion  by  organ- 
izing a  regular  imperial  government  over  the 
whole.  There  were  a  few  more  battles  to  be 
fought  in  order  to  subdue  certain  khans  who 
still  resisted,  and  some  cities  to  be  taken.  But 
these  victories  were  soon  obtained,  and,  in  a 
very  short  time  after  the  great  battle  with  Tay- 
ian,  Temujin  found  himself  the  undisguted  §/^ 
master  of  what  to  him  was  almost  the  whole 
known  world.  All  open  opposition  to  his  rule 
had  wholly  disappeared,  and  nothing  now  re- 
mained for  him  to  do  but  tp^  perfect  the  organ- 
ization of  his  army,  to  egac-t,  his  code  of  laws, 
to  determine  upon  his  capital,  and  to  inaugu* 
rate  generally  a  system  of  civil  government  such 
as  is  required  for  the  management  of  the  inter- 
nal affairs  of  a  great  empire. 


1203.]  THE   EMPIRE.  137 

His  court  at  Karakorom.     Embassadors.    Temnjin  forms  a  constitution. 

Temujin  determined  upon  making  Karako- 
rom his  capital.  He  accordingly  proceeded  to 
that  city  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  entered 
it  in  great  state.  Here  he  established  a  very 
brilliant  court,  and  during  all  the  following 
winter,  while  he  was  occupied  with  the  prelim- 
Binary  arrangements  for  the  organization  and 
consolidation  of  his  empire,  there  came  to  him 
there  a  continual  succession  of  embassadors 
from  the  various  nations  and  tribes  of  central 
Asia  to  congratulate  him  on  his  victories,  and 
to  offer  the  allegiance  or  the  alliance  of  the 
khans  which  they  respectively  represented. 
These  embassadors  all  came  attended  by  troops 
of  horsemen  splendidly,  dressed  and  fully  arm- 
ed, and  the  gjiyeiy  and  magnjjOi&eflfie  of  the 
scenes  which  were  witnessed  in  Karakorom 
during  the  winter  surpassed  all  tha.t  had  ever 


been  seen  there  before. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  the  attention  of  the 
masses  of  the  people  was  occupied  and  amused 
by  these  parades,  Temujin  was  revolving  in 
his  mind  the  form  of  constitution  which  he 
should  establish  for  his  empire,  and  the  system 
of  laws  by  which  his  people  should  be  govern- 
ed. He  conferred  privately  with  some  of  his 
ablest  counselors  on  this  subject,  and  caused  a 
system  of  government  and  a  code  of  laws  to  be 


138  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Election  of  khans.  Division  of  the  country. 

drawn  up  by  secretaries.  The  details  of  these 
proposed  enactments  were  discussed  in  the 
v  privy  council,  and,  when  the  whole  had  been 
well  digested  and  matured,  Temujin,  early  in 
the  spring,  sent  out  a  sujofnojis,  calling  upon 
all  the  great  princes  and  khans  throughout  his 
dominions  to  assemble  at  an  appointed  day,  in 
order  that  he  might  lay  his  proposed  system 
before  them. 

Temujin  determined  to  make  his  government 
a  sort  of  elective  monarchy.  The  grand  khan 
was  to  be  chosen  by  the  votes  of  all  the  other 
khans,  wjip  were  to  t>e  assembled  in  a  general 
conyno.ntion'for  this  purpose  whenever  a  new 
khan  was  to  be  instajj&l.  Any  person  who 
should  cause  himself  to  be  proclaimed  grand 
khan,  or  who  should  in  any  other  way  attempt 
to  assume  the  supreme  authority  without  hav- 
ing been  duly  elected  by  the  other  khans,  was 
to  suffer  death. 

The  country  was  divided  into  provinces,  over 
each  of  which  a  subordinate  khan  ruled  as  gov- 
ernor. These  governors  were,  however,  to  be 
strictly  responsible  to  the  grand  khan.  When- 
ever summoned  by  the  grand  khan  they  were 
required  to  repair  at  once  to  the  capital,  there 
to  render  an  account  of  their  admimjSjtiaJtioja,  •- 
and  to  answer  any  charges  which  had  been  I 

* 
*** 


1203.]  THE  EMPIRE.  139 

Organization  of  the  army.  Arms  and  ammunition. 

made  against  them.  Whenever  any  serious 
case  of  disobedience  or  maladministration  was 
proved  against  them  they  were  i  to  suffer 
death.  ^ , 

Temujin  remodeled  and  reorganized  the 
army  on  the  same  or  similar  principles.  The 
men  were  divided  into  companies  of  about  one 
hundred  men  each,  and  every  ten  of  these  com- 
panies was  formed  into  a  regiment,  which,  of 
course,  contained  about  a  thousand  men.  The 
regiments  were  formed  into  larger  bodies  of 
about  ten  thousand  each.  Officers  were  ap- 
pointed, of  all  the  various  necessary  grades,  to 
command  these  troops,  and  arrangements  were 
made  for  having  supplies  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion provided  and  stored  in  magazines  under 
the  care  of  the  officers,  ready  to  be  distributed 
to  the  men  whenever  they  should  require. 

Temujin  also  made  provision  for  the  build- 
ing of  cities  and  palaces,  the  making  of  roads, 
and  the  construction  of  fortifications,  by  ordain- ^^^ 
ing,that  all  the  people  should  work  one  day  in    ^^ 
every  week  on  these  public  works  whenever 
required. 

Although  the  country  over  which  this  new 
government  was  to  be  established  was  now  at 
peace,  Temujin  was  very  desirous  that  the  peo- 
ple should  not  lose  the  martia.1  spirit  which  had 


140  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203- 

Hunting.  Slaves.  Polygamy  and  slavery. 

thus  far  characterized  them.  He  made  laws  to 
encourage  and  regulate  hunting,  especially  the 
hunting  of  wild  beasts  among  the  mountains ; 
and  subsequently  he  organized  many  hunting 
excursions  himself,  in  connection  with  the  lords 
of  his  court  and  the  other  great  chieftains,  in 
order  to  awaken  an  interest  in  the  dangers  and 
excitements  of  the  chase  among  all  the  khans. 
He  also  often  employed  bodies  of  troops  in  these 
expeditions,  which  he  considered  as  a  sort  of 
substitute  for  war. 

He  required  that  none  of  the  natives  of  the 
country  should  be  employed  as  servants,  or  al- 
lowed to  perform  any  menial  duties  whatever. 
For  these  purposes  the  people  were  required  to 
depend  on  captives  taken  in  war  and  enslaved. 
One  reason  why  he  made  this  rule  was  to  stim- 
ulate the  people  on  the  frontiers  to  make  hos- 
tile excursions  among  their  neighbors,  in  order 
to  supply  themselves  and  the  country  generally 
with  slaves. 

The  right  of  property  in  the  slaves  thus  taken 
was  very  strictly  guarded,  and  very  severe  laws 
were  made  to  enforce  it.  It  was  forbidden,  on 
pain  of  death,  to  harbor  a  slave,  or  give  him 
meat  or  drink,  clothing  or  shelter,  without  per- 
mission from  his  master.  The  penalty  was 
death,  too,  if  a  person  meeting  a  fugitive  slave 


1203.]  THE   KM  PI  RE.  141 

Concubines.  Posthumous  marriagw. 

neglected  to  seize  and  secure  him,  and  deliver 
him  to  his  master. 

Every  man  could  marry  as  many  wives  as 
he  pleased,  and  his  female  slaves  were  all,  by 
law,  entirely  at  his  disposal  to  be  made  con- 
cubines. 

There  was  one  very  curious  arrangement, 
which  grew  out  of  the  great  importance  which, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  was  attached  to  the 
ties  of  relationship  and  family  connection  among 
these  pastoral  nations.  Two  families  could  bind 
themselves  together  and  make  themselves  le-_ 
gaily  one,  in  respect  to  their  connection,  by  a  fic- 
ti'tious  marriage  arranged  between  children  no 
longer  living.  In  such  a  case  the  contracts 
were  regularly  made,  just  as  if  the  children 
were  still  alive,  and  the  ceremonies  were  all 
duly  performed.  After  this  the  two  families 
were  held  to  be  legally  allied,  and  they  were 
bound  to  each  other  by  all  the  obligations 
which  would  have  arisen  in  the  case  of  a  real 
marriage.  This  custom  is  said  to  be  continued 
among  some  of  the  Tartar  nations  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  The  people  think,  it  is  said,  that  such 
a  wedding  ceremony,  duly  solemnized  by  the 
parents  of  children  who  are  dead,  takes  effect 
upon  the  subjects  of  it  in  the  world  of  spirits, 
and  that  thus  their  union,  though  arranged  and 


142  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [12Q3. 

Punishment  for  theft.  Religion.  Freedom  of  choice. 

consecrated  on  earth,  is  confirmed  and  consum- 
mated in  heaven. 

Besides  these  peculiar  and  special  enact- 
ments, there  were  the  ordinary  laws  against 
robbery,  theft,  murder,  adultery,  and  false  wit- 
ness. The  penalties  for  these  offenses  were 
generally  severe.  The  punishment  for  stealing 
cattle  was  death.  For  petty  thefts  the  criminal 
was  to  be  beaten  with  a  stick,  the  number  of 

ti^^Jti 

the  blows  being  proportioned  to  the  nature  and 
aggravation  of  the  offense.  He  could,  however, 
if  he  had  the  means,  buy  himself  off  from  this 
punishment  by  paying  nine  times  the  value  of 
the  thing  stolen. 

In  respect  to  religion,  the  constitution  which 
Temujin  made  declared  that  there  was  but  one 
God,  the  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  it 
acknowledged  him  as  the  supreme  ruler  and 
governor  of  all  mankind,  the  being  "  who  alone 
gives  life  and  death,  riches  and  poverty,  who 
grants  and  denies  whatever  he  pleases,  and  ex- 
ercises over  all  things  an  absolute  power." 
This  one  fundamental  article  of  faith  was  all 
that  was  required.  For  the  rest,  Temujin  left 
the  various  nations  and  tribes  throughout  his 
dominions  to  adopt  such  modes  of  worship  and 
to  celebrate  such  religious  rites  as  they  sever- 
ally preferred,  and  forbade  that  any  one  should 


1203.]  THE  EMPIRE.  143 

Assembly  of  the  khans.  Dilon  Ildat  Their  encampment. 

be  disturbed  or  molested  in  any  way  on  ac- 
count of  his  religion,  whatever  form  it  might 
assume. 

At  length  the  time  arrived  for  the  grand  as- 
sembly of  the  khans  to  be  convened.  The 
meeting  was  called,  not  at  Karakorom,  the  cap- 
ital, but  at  a  central  spot  in  the  interior  of  the 
country,  called  Dilon  Ildak.  Such  a  spot  was 
much  more  convenient  than  any  town  or  city 
would  have  been  for  the  place  of  meeting,  on 
account  of  the  great  troops  of  horses  and  the 
herds  of  animals  by  which  the  khans  were  al- 
ways accompanied  in  all  their  expeditions,  and 
which  made  it  necessary  that,  whenever  any 
considerable  number  of  them  were  to  be  con- 
vened, the  place  chosen  should  be  suitable  for 
a  grand  encampment,  with  extensive  and  fer- 
tile pasture-grounds  extending  all  around. 

As  the  several  khans  came  in,  each  at  the 
head  of  his  own  troop  of  retainers  and  follow- 
ers, they  severally  chose  their  ground,  pitched 
their  tents,  and  turned  their  herds  of  horses, 
sheep,  and  oxen  out  to  pasture  on"  the  plains. 
Thus,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  the  whole 
country  in  every  direction  became  dotted  with 
villages  of  tents,  among  which  groups  of  horse- 
men were  now  and  then  to  be  seen  galloping  to 
and  fro,  and  small  herds  of  cattle,  each  under 


144  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1203. 

Tents  and  herds  of  cattle.  Temujm's  address. 

the  care  of  herdsmen  and  slaves,  moved  slowly, 
cropping  the  grass  as  they  advanced  along  the 
hill-sides  and  through  the  valleys. 

At  length,  when  all  had  assembled,  a  spot 
was  selected  in  the  centre  of  the  encampment 
for  the  performance  of  the  ceremonies.  A 
raised  seat  was  prepared  for  Temujin  in  a  sit- 
uation suitable  to  enable  him  to  address  the 
assembly  from  it.*  Before  and  around  this  the 
various  khans  and  their  attendants  and  follow- 
ers gathered,  and  Temujin  made  them  an  ora- 
tion, in  which  he  explained  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  had  come  together,  and  an- 
nounced to  them  his  plans  and  intentions  in  re- 
spect to  the  future.  He  stated  to  them  that,  in 
consequence  of  the  victories  which  he  had  gain- 
ed through  their  co-operation  and  assistance,  the 
foundation  of  a  great  empire  had  been  laid,  and 
that  he  had  now  called  them  together  in  order 
that  they  might  join  with  him  in  organizing 
the  requisite  government  for  such  a  dominion, 
and  in  electing  a  prince  or  sovereign  to  rule 
over  it.  He  called  upon  them  first  to  proceed 
to  the  election  of  this  ruler. 

The  khans  accordingly  proceeded  to  the 
election.  This  was,  in  fact,  only  a  form,  for 
Temujin  himself  was,  of  course,  to  be  chosen. 

*  See  Frontispiece. 


1203.]  THE  EMPIRE.  145 

Temtyin  is  elected  grand  khan.  He  is  enthroned  and  honored. 

The  election  was,  however,  made,  and  one  of  the 
oldest  and  most  venerable  of  the  khans  was 
commissioned  to  announce  the  result.  He  came 
forward  with  great  solemnity,  and,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  whole  assembly,  declared  that  the 
choice  had  fallen  upon  Temujin.  He  then 
made  an  address  to  Temujin  himself,  who  was 
seated  during  this  part  of  the  ceremony  upon 
a  carpet  of  black  felt  spread  upon  the  ground. 
In  the  address  the  khan  reminded  Temujin 
that  the  exalted  authority  with  which  he  was 
now  invested  came  from  God,  and  that  to  God 
he  was  responsible  for  the  right  exercise  of  his 
power.  If  he  governed  his  subjects  well,  God, 
he  said,  would  render  his  reign  prosperous  and 
happy ;  but  if,  on  the  other  hand,  he  abused  his 
power,  he  would  come  to  a  miserable  end. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  address,  seven  of 
the  khans,  who  had  been  designated  for  this 
purpose,  came  and  lifted  Temujin  up  and  bore 
him  away  to  a  throne  which  had  been  set  up 
for  him  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  where  all 
the  khans,  and  their  various  bodies  of  attend- 
ants, came  and  offered  him  their  homage. 

Among  others  there  came  a  certain  old 
prophet,  named  Kokza,  who  was  held  in  great 
veneration  by  all  the  people  on  account  of  his 
supposed  inspiration  and  the  austere  life  which 

12—10 


146  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

The  old  prophet  Kokza.  Probably  insane. 

he  led.  He  used  to  go  very  thinly  clad,  and 
with  his  feet  bare  summer  and  winter,  and  it 
was  supposed  that  his  power  of  enduring  the 
exposures  to  which  he  was  thus  subject  was 
something  miraculous  and  divine.  He  had  re- 
ceived accordingly  from  the  people  a  name 
which  signified  the  image  of  God,  and  he  was 
every  where  looked  upon  as  inspired.  He  said, 
moreover,  that  a  white  horse  came  to  him  from 
time  to  time  and  carried  him  up  to  heaven, 
where  he  conversed  face  to  face  with  God,  and 
received  the  revelations  which  he  was  com- 
missioned to  make  to  men.  All  this  the  peo- 
ple fully  believed.  The  man  may  have  been  an 
impostor,  or  he  may  have  been  insane.  Often- 
times, in  such  cases,  the  inspiration  which  the 
person  supposes  he  is  the  subject  of  arises  from 
a  certain  spiritual  exaltation,  which,  though  it 
does  not  wholly  unfit  him  for  the  ordinary 
avocations  and  duties  of  life,  still  verges  upon 
insanity,  and  often  finally  lapses  into  it  en- 
tirely. 

This  old  prophet  advanced  toward  Temujin 
while  he  was  seated  on  his  carpet  of  felt,  and 
made  a  solemn  address  to  him  in  the  hearing 
of  all  the  assembled  khans.  He  was  charged, 
he  said,  with  a  message  from  heaven  in  respect 
to  the  kingdom  and  dominion  of  Temujin, 


1203.]  THE  EMPIRE.  147 

His  predictions.         The  title  Genghis  Khan.        Homage  of  the  khans. 

which  had  been,  he  declared,  ordained  of  God, 
and  had  now  been  established  in  fulfillment  of 
the  Divine  will.  He  was  commissioned,  more- 
over, he  said,  to  give  to  Temujin  the  style  and 
title  of  Genghis  Khan,*  and  to  declare  that  his 
kingdom  should  not  only  endure  while  he  lived, 
but  should  descend  to  his  posterity,  from  gen- 
eration to  generation,  to  the  remotest  times. 

The  people,  on  hearing  this  address,  at  once 
adopted  the  name  which  the  prophet  had  given 
to  their  new  ruler,  and  saluted  Temujin  with  it 
in  long  and  loud  acclamations.  It  was  thus 
that  our  hero  received  the  name  of  Genghis 
Khan,  which  soon  extended  its  fame  through 
every  part  of  Asia,  and  has  since  become  so 
greatly  renowned  through  all  the  world. 

Temujin,  or  Genghis  Khan,  as  we  must  now 
henceforth  call  him,  having  thus  been  proclaim- 
ed by  the  acclamations  of  the  people  under  the 
new  title  with  which  the  old  prophet  had  in- 
vested him,  sat  upon  his  throne  while  his  sub- 
jects came  to  render  him  their  homage.  First 
the  khans  themselves  came  up,  and  kneeled 
nine  times  before  him,  in  token  of  their  abso- 
lute and  complete  submission  to  his  authority. 

*  The  signification  of  these  words,  in  the  language  of  the 
Monguls,  was  great  khan  of  khans. 


U8  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 


Inaugural  address. 


After  they  had  retired  the  people  themselves 
came,  and  made  their  obeisance  in  the  same 
manner.  As  they  rose  from  their  knees  after 
the  last  prostration,  they  made  the  air  resound 
once  more  with  their  shouts,  crying  "  Long  live 
great  Genghis  Khan !"  in  repeated  and  pro- 
longed acclamations. 

After  this  the  new  emperor  made  what  might 
be  called  his  inaugural  address.  The  khans 
and  their  followers  gathered  once  more  before 
his  throne  while  he  delivered  an  oration  to 
them,  in  which  he  thanked  them  for  the  honor 
which  they  had  done  him  in  raising  him  to  the 
supreme  power,  and  announced  to  them  the 
principles  by  which  he  should  be  guided  in  the 
government  of  his  empire.  He  promised  to  be 
just  in  his  dealings  with  his  subjects,  and  also 
to  be  merciful.  He  would  defend  them,  he 
said,  against  all  their  enemies.  He  would  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  promote  their  com- 
fort and  happiness.  He  would  lead  them  to 
honor  and  glory,  and  would  make  their  names 
known  throughout  the  earth.  He  would  deal 
impartially,  too,  with  all  the  different  tribes  and 
hordes,  and  would  treat  the  Monguls  and  the 
Tartars,  the  two  great  classes  of  his  subjects, 
with  equal  favor. 

When  the  speech  was  concluded  Genghis 


1203.]  THE  EMPIRE.  149 

Kejoicings.  Departure  of  the  khans. 

Khan  distributed  presents  to  all  the  subordi- 
nate khans,  both  great  and  small.  He  also 
made  magnificent  entertainments,  which  were 
continued  for  several  days.  After  thus  spend- 
ing some  time  in  feasting  and  rejoicings,  the 
khans  one  after  another  took  their  leave  of  the 
emperor,  the  great  encampment  was  broken  up, 
and  the  different  tribes  set  out  on  their  return 
to  their  several  homes. 


150  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 


Insignificance  of  cities  and  town*. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
DOMINIONS  OF  GENGHIS  KHAN. 

AFTER  the  ceremonies  of  the  inauguration 
were  concluded,  Genghis  Khan  returned, 
with  the  officers  of  his  court  and  his  immediate 
followers,  to  Karakorom.  This  town,  though 
nominally  the  capital  of  the  empire,  was,  after 
all,  quite  an  insignificant  place.  Indeed,  but 
little  importance  was  attached  to  any  villages 
or  towns  in  those  days,  and  there  were  very 
few  fixed  places  of  residence  that  were  of  any 
considerable  account.  The  reason  is,  that  towns 
are  the  seats  of  commerce  and  manufactures, 
and  they  derive  their  chief  importance  from 
those  pursuits ;  whereas  the  Monguls  and  Tar- 
tars led  almost  exclusively  a  wandering  and 
pastoral  life,  and  all  their  ideas  of  wealth  and 
grandeur  were  associated  with  great  flocks  and 
herds  of  cattle,  and  handsome  tents,  and  long 
trains  of  wagons  loaded  with  stores  of  clothing, 
arms,  and  other  movables,  and  vast  encamp- 
ments in  the  neighborhood  of  rich  and  extend- 
ed pasture-grounds.  Those  who  lived  perma- 


1203.]  His  DOMINIONS.  151 

Account  of  Karakorom.  The  buildingB. 

nently  in  fixed  houses  they  looked  down  upon 
as  an  inferior  class,  confined  to  one  spot  by 
their  poverty  or  their  toil,  while  they  them- 
selves could  roam  at  liberty  with  their  flocks 
and  herds  over  the  plains,  riding  fleet  horses  or 
dromedaries,  and  encamping  where  they  pleased 
in  the  green  valleys  or  on  the  banks  of  the  me- 
andering streams. 

Karakorom  was  accordingly  by  no  means  a 
great  and  splendid  city.  It  was  surrounded  by 
what  was  called  a  mud  wall — that  is,  a  wall  made 
of  blocks  of  clay  dried  in  the  sun.  The  houses 
of  the  inhabitants  were  mere  hovels,  and  even 
the  palace  of  the  king,  and  all  the  other  public 
buildings,  were  of  very  frail  construction ;  for 
all  the  architecture  of  the  Monguls  in  those 
days  took  its  character  from  the  tent,  which 
was  the  type  and  model,  so  to  speak,  of  all  other 
buildings. 

The  new  emperor,  however,  did  not  spend  a 
great  deal  of  his  time  at  Karakorom.  He  was 
occupied  for  some  years  in  making  excursions 
at  the  head  of  his  troops  to  various  parts  of  his 
dominions,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  down  in- 
surrections, overawing  discontented  and  insub- 
ordinate khans,  and  settling  disputes  of  various 
kinds  arising  between  the  different  hordes.  In 
these  expeditions  he  was  accustomed  to  move 


152  GENGHIS  KHAN.          [1203. 

The  grand  encampments.  Construction  of  the  tents. 

by  easy  marches  across  the  plains  at  the  head 
of  his  army,  and  sometimes  would  establish 
himself  in  a  sort  of  permanent  camp,  where  he 
would  remain,  perhaps,  as  in  a  fixed  residence, 
for  weeks  or  months  at  a  time. 

Not  only  Genghis  Khan  himself,  but  many 
of  the  other  great  chieftains,  were  accustomed 
to  live  in  this  manner,  and  one  of  their  encamp- 
ments, if  we  could  have  seen  it,  would  have 
been  regarded  by  us  as  a  great  curiosity.  The 
ground  was  regularly  laid 'out,  like  a  town,  into 
quarters,  squares,  and  streets,  and  the  space 
which  it  covered  was  sometimes  so  large  as  to 
extend  nearly  a  mile  in  each  direction.  The 
tent  of  the  khan  himself  was  in  the  centre.  A 
space  was  reserved  for  it  there  large  enough  not 
only  for  the  'grand  tent  itself,  but  also  for  the 
rows  of  smaller  tents  near,  for  the  wives  and  for 
other  women  belonging  to  the  khan's  family, 
and  also  for  the  rows  of  carts  or  wagons  con- 
taining the  stores  of  provisions,  the  supplies  of 
clothing  and  arms,  and  the  other  valuables 
which  these  wandering  chieftains  always  took 
with  them  in  all  their  peregrinations. 

The  tent  of  the  khan  in  summer  was  made 
of  a  sort  of  calico,  and  in  winter  of  felt,  which 
was  much  warmer.  It  was  raised  very  high, 
so  as  to  be  seen  above  all  the  rest  of  the  en- 


1203.]          His  DOMINIONS.  153 

Dwellings  of  the  women.  Mountains  and  wild  beasta. 

campment,  and  it  was  painted  in  gay  colors, 
and  adorned  with  other  barbaric  decorations. 

The  dwellings  in  which  the  women  were 
lodged,  which  were  around  or  near  the  great 
tent,  were  sometimes  tents,  and  sometimes  little 
huts  made  of  wood.  When  they  were  of  wood 
they  were  made  very  light,  and  were  construct- 
ed in  such  a  manner  that  they  could  be  takeii 
to  pieces  at  the  shortest  notice,  and  packed  on 
carts  or  wagons,  in  order  to  be  transported  to 
the  next  place  of  encampment,  whenever,  for 
any  reason,  it  became  necessary  for  their  lord 
and  master  to  remove  his  dpmicil  to  a  differ- 
ent ground. 

A  large  portion  of  the  country  which  was 
included  within  the  limits  of  Genghis  Khan's 
dominions  was  fertile  ground,  which  produced 
abundance  of  grass  for  the  pasturage  of  the 
flocks  and  herds,  and  many  springs  and  streams 
of  water.  There  were,  however,  several  dis- 
tricts of  mountainous  country,  which  were  the 
refuge  of  tigers,  leopards,  wolves,  and  other  fe-' 
rpcious  beasts  of  prey.  It  was  among  these 
mountains  that  the  great  hunting  parties  which 
Genghis  Khan  organized  from  time  to  time 
went  in  search  of  their  game.  There  was  a 
great  officer  of  the  kingdom,  called  the  grand 
huntsman,  who  had  the  superintendence  and 


154  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Hunting.  The  danger  of  hunting  in  those  days. 

charge  of  every  thing  relating  to  hunting  and 
to  game  throughout  the  empire.  The  grand 
huntsman  was  an  officer  of  the  very  highest 
rank.  He  even  took  precedence  of  the  first 
ministers  of  state.  Genghis  Khan  appointed 
his  son  Jughi,  who  has  already  been  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  great  council  of  war 
called  by  his  father,  and  with  the  battle  which 
was  subsequently  fought,  and  in  which  he  gain- 
ed great  renown,  to  the  office  of  grand  hunts- 
man, and,  at  the  same  time,  made  two  of  the 
older  and  more  experienced  khans  his  minis- 
ters of  state.  $xA* 

The  hunting  of  wild  beasts  as  ferocious  as 
those  that  infested  the  mountains  of  Asia  is  a 
very  dangerous  amusement  even  at  the  present 
day,  notwithstanding  the  advantage  which  the 
huntsman  derives,  from  the  use  of  gunpowder, 
and  rifled  barrels,  and  fulminating  bullets.  But 
in  those  days,  when  the  huntsman  had  no  bet- 
ter weapons  than  bows  and  arrows,  javelins, 
and  spears,  the  undertaking  was  dangerous  in 
the  extreme.  An  African  lion  of  full  size  used 
to  be  considered  as  a  match  for  forty  men  in 
the  days  when  only  ordinary  weapons  were 
used  against  him,  and  it  was  considered  almost 
hopeless  to  attack  him  with  less  than  that  num- 
ber. And  even  with  that  number  to  waylay 


1203.]  His  DOMINIONS.  155 

Modern  weapons.  Carabines.  Fulminating  balls. 

and  assail  him  he  was  not  usually  conquered 
until  he  had  killed  or  disabled  two  or  three  of 
his  foes. 

Now,  however,  with  the  terrible  artillery  in- 
vented in  modern  times,  a  single  man,  if  he  has 
the  requisite  courage,  coolness,  and  steadiness 
©f  nerve,  is  a  match  for  such  a  lion.  The  weap- 
on used  is  a  double-barreled  carabine,  both  bar- 
rels being  rifled,  that  is,  provided  with  spiral 
grooves  within,  that  operate  to  give  the  bullets 
a  rotary  motion  as  they  issue  from  the  muzzle, 
by  which  they  bore  their  way  through  the  air, 
as  it  were,  to  their  destination,  with  a  surpris- 
ing directness  and  precision.  TJie  bullets  dis-  • 
charged  by  these  carabines  are  not  balls,  but 
cylinders,  pointed  with  a  cone  at  the  forward 
end.  They  are  hollow,  and  are  filled  with  a 
fulminating  composition  which  is  capable  of 
exploding  with  a  force  vastly  greater  than  that 
of  gunpowder.  The  conical  point  at  the  end 
is  made  separate  from  the  body  of  the  cylinder,  ^ 
and  slides  into  it  by  a  sort  of  shank,  which, 
when  the  bullet  strikes  the  body  of  the  lion  or 
other  wild  beast,  acts  like  a  sort  of  percussion 
cap  to  explode  the  fulminating  powder,  and 
thus  the  instant  that  the  missile  enters  the  ani- 
mal's body  it  bursts  with  a  terrible  explosion, 
and  scatters  the  iron  fragments  of  the  cylinder 

-&Z&1 


156  G-ENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Devisme's  establishment  in  Paris.  Specimens. 

among  his  vitals.  Thus,  while  aa  ordinary 
musket  ball  might  lodge  in  his  flesh,  or  even 
pass  entirely  through  some  parts  of  his  body, 
without  producing  any  other  effect  than  to 
arouse  him  to  a  phrensy,  and  redouble  the  force 
with  which  he  would  spring  upon  his  foe,  the 
bursting  of  one  of  these  fulminating  bullets  al- 
most any  where  within  his  body  brings  him 
down  in  an  instant,  and  leaves  him  writhing  and 
rolling  upon  the  ground  in  the  agonies  of  death. 

On  the  Boulevard  des  Italiens,  in  Paris,  is  the 
manufactory  of  Devisme,  who  makes  these  car- 
abines for  the  lion-hunters  of  Algiers.  Prom- 
5  enaders,  in  passing  by  his  windows,  stop  to  look 
at  specimens  of  these  bullets  exhibited  there. 
They  are  of  various  sizes,  adapted  to  barrels  of 
different  bores.  Some  are  entire;  others  are 
rent  and  torn  in  pieces,  having  been  fired  into 
a  bank  of  earth,  that  they  might  burst  there  as 
they  would  do  in  the  body  of  a  wild  beast,  and 
then  be  recovered  and  preserved  to  show  the 
effect  of  the  explosion. 

Even  with  such  terrible  weapons  as  these,  it 
requires  at  the  present  day  great  courage,  great 
coolness,  and  very  extraordinary  steadiness  of 
nerve  to  face  a  lion  or  a  tiger  in  his  mountain 
fastness,  with  any  hope  of  coming  off  victorious 
in  the  contest.  But  the  danger  was,  of  course, 


1203.J  His  DOMINIONS.  157 

Great  danger.  Wild  beasts  more  formidable  than  men. 

infinitely  greater  in  the  days  of  Genghis  Khan, 
when  pikes  and  spears,  and  bows  and  arrows, 
were  the  only  weapons  with  which  the  body 
of  huntsmen  could  arm  themselves  for  the  com- 
bat. Indeed,  in  those  days  wild  beasts  were 
even  in  some  respects  more  formidable  enemies 
than  men.  For  men,  however  excited  by  an- 
gry passions,  are,  in  some  degree,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  fear.  They  will  not  rush  headlong 
upon  absolute  and  certain  destruction,  but  may 
be  driven  back  by  a  mere  display  of  force,  if  it 
is  obvious  that  it  is  a  force  which  they  are 
wholly  incapable  of  resisting.  Thus  a  party  oC 
men,  however  desperate,  may  be  attacked  with- 
out much  danger  to  the  assailants,  provided  that 
the  force  which  the  assailants  bring  against  them 
is  overwhelming. 

But  it  is  not  so  with  wild  beasts.  A  lion,  a 
tiger,  or  a  panther,  once  aroused,  is  wholly  in- 
sensible to  fear.  He  will  rush  headlong  upon 
his  foes,  however  numerous  they  may  be, 
and  however  formidably  armed.  He  makes 
his  own  destruction  sure,  it  is  true,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  he  renders  almost  inevitable  the  de- 
struction of  some  one  or  more  of  his  enemies, 
and,  in  going  out  to  attack  him,  no  one  can  be 
sure  of  not  becoming  himself  one  of  the  victims 
of  his  fury. 


158  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Grand  huntsman.  Timid  animals.  Stratagems. 

Thus  the  hunting  of  wild  beasts  in  the  mount- 
ains was  very  dangerous  work,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  office  of  grand  huntsman 
was  one  of  great  consideration  and  honor. 

The  hunting  was,  however,  not  all  of  the  dan- 
gerous character  above  described.  Some  ani- 
mals are  timid  and  inoffensive  by  nature,  and 
attempt  to  save  themselves  only  by  flight. 
Such  animals  as  these  were  to  be  pursued  and 
overtaken  by  the  superior  speed  of  horses  and 
dogs,  or  to  be  circumvented  by  stratagem. 
There  was  a  species  of  deer,  in  certain  parts  of 
the  Mongul  country,  that  the  huntsmen  were 
accustomed  to  take  in  this  way,  namely : 

The  huntsmen,  when  they  began  to  draw 
near  to  a  place  where  a  herd  of  deer  were  feed- 
ing, would  divide  themselves  into  two  parties. 
One  party  would  provide  themselves  with  the 
antlers  of  stags,  which  they  arranged  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  could  hold  them  up  over 
their  heads  in  the  thickets,  as  if  real  stags  were 
there.  The  others,  armed  with  bows  and  ar- 
rows, javelins,  spears,  and  other  such  weapons, 
would  place  themselves  in  ambush  near  by. 
Those  who  had  the  antlers  would  then  make  a 
sort  of  cry,  imitating  that  uttered  by  the  hinds. 
The  stags  of  the  herd,  hearing  the  cry,  would 
immediately  come  toward  the  spot.  The  men 


1203.]  His  DOMINIONS.  159 

Mode  of  taking  deer.  Training  of  the  horses. 

in  the  thicket  then  would  raise  the  antlers  and 
move  them  about,  so  as  to  deceive  the  stags, 
and  excite  their  feelings  of  rivalry  and  ire, 
while  those  who  were  appointed  to  that  office 
continued  to  counterfeit  the  cry  of  the  hind. 
The  stags  immediately  would  begin  to  paw  the 
ground  and  to  prepare  for  a  conflict,  and  then, 
while  their  attention  was  thus  wholly  taken  up 
by  the  tossing  of  the  false  antlers  in  the  thick- 
et, the  men  in  ambush  would  creep  up  as  near 
as  they  could,  take  good  aim,  and  shoot  their 
poor  deluded  victims  through,  the  heart. 

Of  course,  it  required  a  great  deal  of  practice 
and  much  skill  to  perform  successfully  such 
feats  as  these;  and  there  were  many  other 
branches  of  the  huntsman's  art,  as  practiced  in 
'  those  days,  which  could  only  be  acquired  by  a 
systematic  and  special  course  of  training.  One 
of  the  most  difficult  things  was  to  train  the 
horses  so  that  they  would  advance  to  meet 
tigers  and  other  wild  beasts  without  fear. 
Horses  have  naturally  a  strong  and  instinctive  ' 
terror  for  such  beasts,  and  this  terror  it  was 
very  difficult  to  overcome.  The  Mongul  hunts- 
men, however,  contrived  means  to  inspire  the 
horses  with  so  much  courage  in  this  respect 
that  they  would  advance  to  the  encounter  of 
these  terrible  foes  with  as  much  ardor  as  a 


160  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 


Pasturage. 


trained  charger  shows  in  advancing  to  meet 
other  horses  and  horsemen  on  the  field  of 
battle. 

Besides  the  mountainous  regions  above  de- 
scribed, there  were  several  deserts  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  Monguls.  The  greatest  of  these  des- 
erts extends  through  the  very  heart  of  Asia, 
and  is  one  of  the  most  extensive  districts  of 
barren  land  in  the  world.  Unlike  most  other 
great  deserts,  however,  the  land  is  very  ele- 
vated, and  it  is  to  this  elevation  that  its  barren- 
ness is,  in  a  great  measure,  due.  A  large  part 
of  this  desert  consists  of  rocks  and  barren  sands, 
and,  in  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  was 
totally  uninhabitable.  It  was  so  cold,  too,  on 
account  of  the  great  elevation  of  the  land,  that 
it  was  almost  impossible  to  traverse  it  except  in 
the  warmest  season  of  the  year. 

Other  parts  of  this  district,  which  were  not 
so  elevated,  and  where  the  land  was  not  quite 
so  barren,  produced  grass  and  herbage  on  which 
the  flocks  and  herds  could  feed,  and  thus,  in 
certain  seasons  of  the  year,  people  resorted  to 
them  for  pasturage. 

Throughout  the  whole  country  there  were 
no  extensive  forests.  There  were  a  few  tan- 
gled thickets  among  the  mountains,  where  the 
wild  beasts  concealed  themselves  and  made 


1203.]  His  DOMINIONS.  161 


Burning  the  grass  on  the  plains. 


their  lairs,  but  this  was  all.  One  reason  why 
forests  did  not  spring  up  was,  as  is  supposed, 
the  custom  of  the  people  to  burn  over  the  plains 
every  spring,  as  the  Indians  were  accustomed 
to  do  on  the  American  prairies.  In  the  spring 
the  dead  grass  of  the  preceding  year  lay  dry 
and  withered,  and  sometimes  closely  matted  to- 
gether, on  the  ground,  thus  hindering,  as  the 
people  thought,  the  fresh  grass  from  growing 
up.  So  the  people  were  accustomed,  on  some 
spring  morning  when  there  was  a  good  breeze 
blowing,  to  set  it  on  fire.  The  fire  would  run 
rapidly  over  the  plains,  burning  up  every  thing 
in  its  way  that  was  above  the  ground.  But 
the  roots  of  the  grass,  being  below,  were  safe 
from  it.  Very  soon  afterward  the  new  grass 
would  spring  up  with  great  luxuriance.  The 
people  thought  that  the  rich  verdure  which  the 
new  grass  displayed,  and  its  subsequent  rapid 
growth,  were  owing  simply  to  the  fact  that  the 
old  dead  grass  was  out  of  the  way.  It  is  now 
known,  however,  that  the  burning  of  the  old 
grass  leaves  an  ash  upon  the  ground  which  acts 
powerfully  as  a  fertilizer,  and  that  the  richness 
of  the  fresh  vegetation  is  due,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, to  this  cause. 

Such  was  the  country  which  was  inhabited 
by  the  wandering  pastoral  tribes  that  were  no^r 
12—11 


162  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 


The  various  tribes  submit. 


under  the  sway  of  Genghis  Khan.  His  domin- 
ion had  no  settled  boundaries,  for  it  was  a  do- 
minion  over  certain  tribes  rather  than  over  a 
certain  district  of  country.  Nearly  all  the  tribes 
composing  both  the  Mongul  and  the  Tartar  na- 
tions had  now  submitted  to  him,  though  he  still 
had  some  small  wars  to  wage  from  time  to  time 
with  some  of  the  more  distant  tribes  before  his 
authority  was  fully  and  finally  acknowledged. 
The  history  of  some  of  these  conflicts  will  be 
narrated  in  the  next  chapter. 


1203.]          PRINCE  KUSHLUK.  163 

Kughluk's  escape.  Tukta  Bey. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 
ADVENTURES  OF  PRINCE  KUSHLUK. 

PEINCE  KUSHLUK,  as  the  reader  will 
perhaps  recollect,  was  the  son  of  Tayian, 
the  khan  of  the  Naymans,  who  organized  the 
grand  league  of  khans  against  Temujin  at  the 
instigation  of  Yemuka,  as  related  in  a  preced- 
ing chapter.  He  was  the  young  prince  who 
was  opposed  to  Jughi,  the  son  of  Temujin,  in 
the  great  final  battle.  The  reader  will  recol- 
lect that  in  that  battle  Tayian  himself  was 
slain,  as  was  also  Yemuka,  but  the  young 
prince  succeeded  in  making  his  escape. 

He  was  accompanied  in  his  flight  by  a  cer- 
tain general  or  chieftain  named  Tukta  Bey. 
This  Tukta  Bey  was  the  khan  of  a  powerful 
tribe.  The  name  of  the  town  or  village  which 
he  considered  his  capital  was  Kashin.  It  was 
situated  toward  the  southwest,  not  far  from  the 
borders  of  China.  Tukta  Bey,  taking  Kushluk 
with  him,  retreated  to  this  place,  and  there  be- 
gan to  make  preparations  to  collect  a  new  army 
to  act  against  Temujin.  I  say  Temujin,  for 


164  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1203. 

Temujin  pursues  Tukta  Bey  and  Kitsliluk.    Retreat  toBoyrak's  country. 

these  circumstances  took  place  immediately 
after  the  battle,  and  before  Temujin  had  re- 
ceived his  new  title  of  Genghis  Khan. 

Temujin,  having  learned  that  Tukta  Bey  and 
the  young  prince  had  gone  to  Kashin,  determ- 
ined at  once  to  follow  them  there.  As  soon  as 
Tukta  Bey  heard  that  he  was  coming,  he  began 
to  strengthen  the  fortifications  of  his  town  and  to 
increase  the  garrison.  He  also  laid  in  supplies 
of  food  and  military  stores  of  all  kinds.  While 
he  was  making  these  preparations,  he  received 
the  news  that  Temujin  was  advancing  into  his 
country  at  the  head  of  an  immense  force.  The 
force  was  so  large  that  he  was  convinced  that 
his  town  could  not  long  stand  out  against  it. 
He  was  greatly  perplexed  to  know  what  to  do. 

Now  it  happened  that  there  was  a  brother 
of  Tayian  Khan's,  named  Boyrak,  the  chief  of 
a  powerful  horde  that  occupied  a  district  of 
country  not  very  far  distant  from  Tukta  Bey's 
dominions.  Tukta  Bey  thought  that  this  Boy- 
rak would  be  easily  induced  to  aid  him  in  the 
war,  as  it  was  a  war  waged  against  the  mortal 
enemy  of  his  brother.  He  determined  to  leave 
his  capital  to  be  defended  by  the  garrison  which 
he  had  placed  in  it,  and  to  proceed  himself  to 
Boyrak's  country  to  obtain  re-enforcements. 
He  first  sent  off  the  Prince  Kushluk,  so  that  lie 


1203.]         PRINCE  KUSHLUK.  165 


Fall  and  destruction  of  Kaahin. 


might  be  as  soon  as  possible  in  a  place  of  safety. 
Then,  after  completing  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments and  dispositions  for  the  defense  of  his 
town,  in  case  it  should  be  attacked  during  his 
absence,  he  took  his  oldest  son,  for  whose  safety 
he  was  also  greatly  concerned,  and  set  out  at 
the  head  of  a  small  troop  of  horsemen  to  go  to 
Boyrak. 

Accordingly,  when  Temujin,  at  the  head  of 
his  forces,  arrived  at  the  town  of  Kashin,  he 
found  that  the  fugitives  whom  he  was  pursuing 
were  no  longer  there.  However,  he  determ- 
ined to  take  the  town.  He  accordingly  at  once 
invested  it,  and  commenced  the  siege.  The 
garrison  made  a  very  determined  resistance. 
But  the  forces  under  Temujin's  command  were 
too  strong  for  them.  The  town  was  soon  taken. 
Temujin  ordered  his  soldiers  to  slay  without 
mercy  all  who  were  found  in  arms  against  him 
within  the  walls,  and  the  walls  themselves,  and 
all  the  other  defenses  of  the  place,  he  caused  to 
be  leveled  with  the  ground. 

He  then  issued  his  proclamation,  offering 
peace  and  pardon  to  all  the  rest  of  the  tribe  on 
condition  that  they  would  take  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  him.  This  they  readily  agreed  to 
do.  There  were  a  great  many  subordinate 
khans,  both  of  this  tribe  and  of  some  others 


166  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1208. 


Tennyin  returns  to  Karakor 


that  were  near,  who  thus  yielded  to  Temujin, 
and  promised  to  obey  him. 

All  this  took  place,  as  has  already  been  said, 
immediately  after  the  great  battle  with  Tayian, 
and  before  Temujin  had  been  enthroned  as  em- 
peror, or  had  received  his  new  title  of  Genghis 
Khan.  Indeed,  Temujin,  while  making  this 
expedition  to  Kashin  in  pursuit  of  Kushluk 
and  Tukta  Bey,  had  been  somewhat  uneasy  at 
the  loss  of  time  which  the  campaign  occasioned 
him,  as  he  was  anxious  to  go  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble to  Karakorom,  in  order  to  take  the  neces- 
sary measures  there  for  arranging  and  consol- 
idating his  government.  He  accordingly  now 
determined  not  to  pursue  the  fugitives  any  far- 
ther, but  to  proceed  at  once  to  Karakorom,  and 
postpone  all  farther  operations  against  Kushluk 
and  Tukta  until  the  next  season.  So  he  went 
to  Karakorom,  and  there,  during  the  course  of 
the  winter,  formed  the  constitution  of  his  new 
empire,  and  made  arrangements  for  convening 
a  grand  assembly  of  the  khans  the  next  spring, 
as  related  in  the  last  chapter. 

In  the  mean  time,  Tukta  Bey  and  the  Prince 
Kushluk  were  very  kindly  received  by  Boyrak, 
Tayian's  brother.  For  a  time  they  all  had  rea- 
son to  expect  that  Temujin,  after  having  taken 
and  destroyed  Kashin,  would  continue  his  pur- 


1205.]         PRINCE  KUSHLUK.  167 

Boyrak's  precautions.          Great  battle.          Boyrak  is  taken  and  slain. 

suit  of  the  prince,  and  Boyrak  began  accord- 
ingly to  make  preparations  for  defense.  But 
when,  at  length,  they  learned  that  Temujin  had 
given  up  the  pursuit,  and  had  returned  to  Ka- 
rakorom,  their  apprehensions  were,  for  the  mo- 
ment, relieved.  They  were,  however,  well 
aware  that  the  danger  was  only  postponed; 
and  Boyrak,  being  determined  to  defend  the 
cause  of  his  nephew,  and  to  avenge,  if  possible, 
his  brother's  death,  occupied  himself  diligently 
with  increasing  his  army,  strengthening  his  for- 
tifications, and  providing  himself  with  all  pos- 
sible means  of  defense  against  the  attack  which 
he  expected  would  be  made  upon  him  in  the 
coming  season. 

Boyrak's  expectations  of  an  attack  were  fully 
realized.  Temujin,  after  having  settled  the  af- 
fairs of  his  government,  and  having  now  be- 
come Genghis  Khan,  took  the  first  opportunity 
in  the  following  season  to  fit  out  an  expedition 
against  Tukta  Bey  and  Boyrak.  He  marched 
into  Boyrak's  dominions  at  the  head  of  a  strong 
force.  Boyrak  came  forth  to  meet  him.  A 
great  battle  was  fought.  Boyrak  was  entirely 
defeated.  When  he  found  that  the  battle  was 
lost  he  attempted  to  fly.  He  was,  however, 
pursued  and  taken,  and  was  then  brought  back 
to  the  camp  of  Genghis  Khan,  where  he  was 


168  G  EX  GUIS  KHAN.  [1205. 


Flight  of  Kushluk  and  Tukta  Bey. 


put  to  death.  The  conqueror  undoubtedly  j  us- 
tLfied  this  act  of  cruelty  toward  his  helpless 
prisoner  on  the  plea  that,  like  Yemuka,  he  was 
not  an  open  and  honorable  foe,  but  a  rebel  and 
traitor,  and,  consequently,  that  the  act  of  put- 
ting him  to  death  was  the  execution  of  a  crim- 
inal, and  not  the  murder  of  a  prisoner. 

But,  although  Boyrak  himself  was  thus  taken 
and  slain,  Kushluk  and  Tukta  Bey  succeeded 
in  making  their  escape.  They  fled  to  the  north- 
ward and  westward,  scarcely  knowing,  it  would 
seem,  where  they  were  to  go.  They  at  last 
found  a  place  of  refuge  on  the  banks  of  the 
Biver  Irtish.  This  river  rises  not  far  from  the 
centre  of  the  Asiatic  continent,  and  flows  north- 
ward into  the  Northern  Ocean.  The  country 
through  which  it  flows  lay  to  the  northwest- 
ward of  Genghis  Khan's  dominions,  and  be- 
yond the  confines  of  it.  Through  this  country 
Prince  Kushluk  and  Tukta  Bey  wandered  on, 
accompanied  by  the  small  troop  of  followers 
that  still  adhered  to  them,  until  they  reached  a 
certain  fortress  called  Ardish,  where  they  de- 
termined to  make  a  stand. 

They  were  among  friends  here,  for  Ardish, 
it  seems,  was  on  the  confines  of  territory  that 
belonged  to  Tukta  Bey.  The  people  of  the 
neighborhood  immediately  flocked  to  Tukta'a 


1208.]  PKINCE  KUSHLUK.  169 

Tukta  Itey's  adherents.  Genghis  Khan  pursues  them  in  winter. 

standard,  and  thus  the  fugitive  khan  soon  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force. 
This  force  was  farther  increased  by  the  coming 
in  of  broken  bands  that  had  made  their  escape 
from  the  battle  at  which  Boyrak  had  been  slain 
at  the  same  time  with  Tukta  Bey,  but  had  be- 
come separated  from  him  in  their  flight. 

It  would  seem  that,  at  first,  Genghis  Khan 
did  not  know  what  was  become  of  the  fugitives. 
At  any  rate,  it  was  not  until  the  next  year  that 
he  attempted  to  pursue  them.  Then,  hearing 
where  they  vwere  and  what  they  were  doing,  he 
prepared  an  expedition  to  penetrate  into  the 
country  of  the  Irtish  and  attack  them.  It  was 
in  the  dead  of  winter  when  he  arrived  in  the 
country.  He  had  hurried  on  at  that  season  of 
the  year  in  order  to  prevent  Tukta  Bey  from 
having  time  to  finish  his  fortifications.  Tukta 
Bey  and  those  who  were  with  him  were  amazed 
when  they  heard  that  their  enemy  was  coming 
at  that  season  of  the  year.  The  defenses  which 
they  were  preparing  for  their  fortress  were  not 
fully  completed,  but  they  were  at  once  con- 
vinced that  they  could  not  hold  their  ground 
against  the  body  of  troops  that  Genghis  Khan 
was  bringing  against  them  in  the  open  field, 
and  so  they  all  took  shelter  in  and  near  the 
fortress,  and  awaited  their  enemy  there. 


170  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1208. 

Difficulties  of  the  country.  Death  of  Tukta  Bey. 

The  winters  in  that  latitude  are  very  cold, 
and  the  country  through  which  Genghis  Khan 
had  to  march  was  full  of  difficulty.  The 
branches  of  the  river  which  he  had  to  cross 
were  obstructed  with  ice,  and  the  roads  were 
in  many  places  rendered  almost  impassable  by 
snow.  The  emperor  did  not  even  know  the 
way  to  the  fortress  where  Tukta  Bey  and  his 
followers  were  concealed,  and  it  would  have 
been  almost  impossible  for  him  to  find  it  had 
it  not  been  for  certain  tribes,  through  whose 
territories  he  passed  on  the  way,  who  furnished 
him  with  guides.  These  tribes,  perceiving  how 
overwhelming  was  the  force  which  Genghis 
Khan  commanded,  knew  that  it  would  be  use- 
less for  them  to  resist  him.  So  they  yielded 
submission  to  him  at  once,  and  detached  parties 
of  horsemen  to  go  with  him  down  the  rivei  to 
show  him  the  way. 

Under  the  conduct  of  these  guides  Genghis 
Khan  passed  on.  In  due  time  he  arrived  at 
the  fortress  of  Ardish,  and  immediately  forced 
Tukta  Bey  and  his  allies  to  come  to  an  engage- 
ment. Tukta's  army  was  very  soon  defeated 
and  put  to  flight.  Tukta  himself,  and  many 
other  khans  and  chieftains  who  had  joined  him, 
were  killed  ;  but  the  Prince  Kushluk  was  once 
more  fortunate  enough  to  make  his  escape. 


1208.]         PRINCE  KUSHLUK.  171 

Kushluk  escapes  again.         Turkestan.         He  is  received  by  Gurkhan. 

He  fled  with  a  small  troop  of  followers,  all 
mounted  on  fleet  horses,  and  after  various  wan- 
derings, in  the  course  of  which  he  and  they  who 
were  with  him  endured  a  great  deal  of  priva- 
tion and  suffering,  the  unhappy  fugitive  at  last 
reached  the  dominions  of  a  powerful  prince 
named  Gurkhan,  who  reigned  over  a  country 
which  is  situated  in  the  western  part  of  Asia, 
toward  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  is  named  Turkes- 
tan. This  is  the  country  from  which  the  peo- 
ple called  the  Turks,  who  afterward  spread 
themselves  so  widely  over  the  western  part  of 
Asia  and  the  eastern  part  of  Europe,  originally 
sprung. 

Gurkhan  received  Kushluk  and  his  party  in 
a  very  friendly  manner,  and  Genghis  Khan  did 
not  follow  them.  Whether  he  thought  that  the 
distance  was  too  great,  or  that  the  power  of 
Gurkhan  was  too  formidable  to  make  it  pru- 
dent for  him  to  advance  into  his  dominions 
without  a  stronger  force,  does  not  appear.  At 
any  rate,  for  the  time  being  he  gave  up  the 
pursuit,  and  after  fully  securing  the  fruits  of 
the  victory  which  he  had  gained  at  Ardish,  and 
receiving  the  submission  of  all  the  tribes  and 
khans  that  inhabited  that  region  of  country,  he 
set  out  on  his  return  home. 

It  is  related  that  one  of  the  khans  who  gave 


172  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1208. 


Presentation  of  the  shongar. 


in  his  submission  to  Genghis  Khan  at  this 
time  made  him  a  present  of  a  certain  bird  call- 
ed a  shongar,  according  to  a  custom  often  ob- 
served among  the  people  of  that  region.  The 
shongar  was  a  very  large  and  fierce  bird  of 
prey,  which,  however,  could  be  trained  like  the 
Jalcons  which  were  so  much  prized  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  by  the  princes  and  nobles  of  Europe. 
It  seems  it  was  customary  for  an  inferior  khan 
to  present  one  of  these  birds  to  his  superior  on 
great  occasions,  as  an  emblem  and  token  of  his 
submission  to  his  superior's  authority.  The 
bird  in  such  a  case  was  very  richly  decorated 
with  gold  and  precious  stones,  so  that  the  pres- 
ent was  sometimes  of  a  very  costly  and  mag- 
nificent character. 

Genghis  Khan  received  such  a  present  as 
this  from  a  chieftain  named  Urus  Inal,  who 
was  among  those  that  yielded  to  his  sway  in 
the  country  of  the  Irtish,  after  the  battle  at 
which  Tukta  Bey  was  defeated  and  killed. 
The  bird  was  presented  to  Genghis  Khan  by 
TJrus  with  great  ceremony,  as  an  act  of  sub- 
mission and  homage. 

What,  in  the  end,  was  the  fate  of  Prince 
Kushluk,  will  appear  in  the  next  chapter. 


1208.]  IDIKUT.  175 

Idikut.  The  old  system  of  fanning  revenues. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
IDIKUT. 

THERE  was  another  great  and  powerful 
khan,  named  Idikut,  whose  tribe  had  hith- 
erto been  under  the  dominion  of  Gurkhan,  the 
Prince  of  Turkestan,  where  Kushluk  had  sought 
refuge,  but  who  about  this  time  revolted  from 
Gurkhan  and  went  over  to  Genghis  Khan,  un- 
der circumstances  which  illustrate,  in  some  de- 
gree, the  peculiar  nature  of  the  political  ties 
by  which  these  different  tribes  and  nations 
were  bound  to  each  other.  It  seems  that  the 
tribe  over  which  Idikut  ruled  was  tributary  to 
Turkestan,  and  that  Gurkhan  had  an  officer 
stationed  in  Idikut's  country  whose  business  it 
was  to  collect  and  remit  the  tribute.  The 
name  of  this  collector  was  Shuwakem.  He 
was  accustomed,  it  seems,  like  almost  all  tax- 
gatherers  in  those  days,  to  exact  more  than  was 
his  due.  The  system  generally  adopted  by 
governments  in  that  age  of  the  world  for  col- 
lecting their  revenues  from  tributary  or  con- 
quered provinces  was  to  farm  them^  as  the 


176  GENGHIS  KHAN.     ,      [1208. 

Evils  of  farming  the  rerenue.  Modern  system. 

phrase  was.  That  is,  they  sold  the  whole  rev- 
enue of  a  particular  district  in  the  gross  to 
some  rich  man,  who  paid  for  it  a  specific  sum, 
considerably  less,  of  course,  than  the  tax  itself 
would  really  yield,  and  then  he  reimbursed 
himself  for  his  outlay  and  for  his  trouble  by 
collecting  the  tax  in  detail  from  the  people. 
Of  course,  it  was  for  the  interest  of  the  tax- 
gatherer,  in  such  a  case,  after  having  paid  the 
round  sum  to  the  government,  to  extort  as 
much  as  possible  from  the  people,  since  all  that 
he  obtained  over  and  above  the  sum  that  he 
had  paid  was  his  p  ofit  on  the  transaction. 
Then,  if  the  people  complained  to  the  govern- 
ment of  his  exactions,  they  could  seldom  obtain 
any  redress,  for  the  government  knew  that  if 
they  rebuked  or  punished  the  farmer  of  the 
revenue,  or  interfered  with  him  in  any  wry, 
they  would  not  be  able  to  make  so  favorable 
terms  with  him  for  the  next  year. 

The  plan  of  farming  the  revenues  thus  led  to 
a  great  deal  of  extortion  and  oppression,  which 
the  people  were  compelled  patiently  to  endure, 
as  there  was  generally  no  remedy.  In  modern 
times  and  among  civilized  nations  this  system 
has  been  almost  universally  abandoned.  The 
taxes  are  now  always  collected  for  the  govern- 
ment directly  by  officers  who  have  to  pay  over, 


1208.]  IDIKUT.  177 

Disinterested  collectors.  Independent  and  impartial  courts. 

not  a  fixed  sum,  but  simply  what  they  collect. 
Thus  the  tax-gatherers  are,  in  some  sense,  im- 
partial, since,  if  they  collect  more  than  the  law 
entitles  them  to  demand,  the  benefit  inures 
almost  wholly  to  the  government,  they  them- 
selves gaining  little  or  no  advantage  by  their 
extortion.  Besides  this,  there  are  courts  es- 
tablished which  are,  in  a  great  measure,  inde- 
pendent of  the  government,  to  which  the  tax- 
payer can  appeal  at  once  in  a  case  where  he 
thinks  he  is  aggrieved.  This,  it  is  true,  often 
puts  him  to  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  ex- 
pense, but,  in  the  end,  he  is  pretty  sure  to  have 
justice  done  him,  while  under  the  old  system 
there  was  ordinarily  no  remedy  at  all.  There 
was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  appeal  to  the 
king  or  chieftain  himself,  and  these  complaints 
seldom  received  any  attention.  For,  besides 
the  natural  unwillingness  of  the  sovereign  to 
trouble  himself  about  such  disputes,  he  had  a 
direct  interest  in  not  requiring  the  extorted 
money  to  be  paid  back,  or,  rather,  in  not  having 
it  proved  that  it  was  extorted.  Thus  the  poor 
tax-payer  found  that  the  officer  who  collected 
the  money,  and  the  umpire  who  was  to  decide 
in  case  of  disputes,  were  both  directly  interested 
against  him,  and  he  was  continually  wronged ; 
whereas,  at  the  present  day,  by  means  of  a  sys- 
12—12 


178  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1208. 


Waste  of  the  public  money. 


tern  which  provides  disinterested  officers  to  de- 
termine and  collect  the  tax,  and  independent 
judges  to  decide  all  cases  of  dispute,  the  evils 
are  almost  wholly  avoided.  The  only  dif- 
ficulty now  is  the  extravagance  and  waste 
with  which  the  public  money  is  expended, 
making  it  necessary  to  collect  a  much  larger 
amount  than  would  otherwise  be  required. 
Perhaps  some  future  generation  will  discover 
some  plain  and  simple  remedy  for  this  evil 
too. 

The  name  of  the  officer  who  had  the  general 
charge  of  the  collection  of  the  taxes  in  Idikut's 
territory  for  Gurkhan,  King  of  Turkestan,  was, 
as  has  already  been  said,  Shuwakem.  He  op- 
pressed the  people,  exacting  more  from  them 
than  was  really  due.  Whether  he  had  farmed 
the  revenue,  and  was  thus  enriching  himself  by 
his  extortions,  or  whether  he  was  acting  direct- 
ly in  Gurkhan's  name,  and  made  the  people 
pay  more  than  he  ought  from  zeal  in  his  mas- 
ter's service,  and  a  desire  to  recommend  him- 
self to  favor  by  sending  home  to  Turkestan  as 
large  a  revenue  from  the  provinces  as  possible, 
does  not  appear.  At  all  events,  the  people 
complained  bitterly.  They  had,  however,  no 
access  to  Gurkhan,  Shuwakem's  master,  and  so 


1208.]  IDIKUT.  179 

Idikut's  quarrel  with  Gurkhan's  tax-gatherers.  Rebellion. 

they  carried  their  complaints  to  Idikut,  their 
own  khan. 

Idikut  remonstrated  with  Shuwakem,  but 
he,  instead  of  taking  the  remonstrance  in  good 
part  and  relaxing  the  severity  of  his  proceed- 
ings, resented  the  interference  of  Idikut,  and 
answered  him  in  a  haughty  and  threatening 
manner.  This  made  Idikut  very  angry.  In- 
deed, he  was  angry  before,  as  it  might  naturally 
be  supposed  that  he  would  have  been,  at  hav- 
ing a  person  owing  allegiance  to  a  foreign 
prince  exercising  authority  in  a  proud  and 
domineering  manner  within  his  dominions,  and 
the  reply  which  Shuwakem  made  when  he  re- 
monstrated with  him  on  account  of  his  extor- 
tions exasperated  him  beyond  all  bounds.  He 
immediately  caused  Shuwakem  to  be  assas- 
sinated. He  also  slew  all  the  other  officers  of 
Gurkhan  within  his  country — those,  probably, 
who  were  employed  to  assist  Shuwakem  in  col- 
lecting the  taxes. 

The  murder  of  these  officers  was,  of  course, 
an  act  of  open  rebellion  against  Gurkhan,  and 
Idikut,  in  order  to  shield  himself  from  the  con- 
sequences of  it,  determined  to  join  himself  and 
his  tribe  at  once  to  the  empire  of  Genghis  Khan ; 
so  he  immediately  dispatched  two  embassadors 
to  the  Mongul  emperor  with  his  proposals. 


180  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1208. 

He  sends  to  Genghis  Khan.  His  reception  of  the  embassy. 

The  envoys,  accompanied  by  a  suitable  troop 
of  guards  and  attendants,  went  into  the  Mongul 
country  and  presently  came  up  with  Genghis 
Khan,  while  he  was  on  a  march  toward  the 
country  of  some  tribe  or  horde  that  had  revolted 
from  him.  They  were  very  kindly  received ; 
for,  although  Genghis  Khan  was  not  prepared 
at  present  to  make  open  war  upon  Gurkhan,  or 
to  invade  his  dominions  in  pursuit  of  Prince 
Kushluk,  he  was  intending  to  do  this  at  some 
future  day,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  he  was  very 
glad  to  weaken  his  enemy  by  drawing  off  from 
his  empire  any  tributary  tribes  that  were  at  all 
disposed  to  revolt  from  him. 

He  accordingly  received  the  embassadors  of 
Idikut  in  a  very  cordial  and  friendly  manner. 
He  readily  acceded  to'the  proposals  which  Idi- 
kut made  through  them,  and,  in  order  to  give 
full  proof  to  Idikut  of  the  readiness  and  sincer- 
ity with  which  he  accepted  his  proposals,  he 
sent  back  two  embassadors  of  his  own  to  ac- 
company Idikut's  embassadors  on  their  return, 
and  to  join  them  in  assuring  that  prince  of  the 
cordiality  with  which  Genghis  Khan  accepted 
his  oifers  of  friendship,  and  to  promise  his  pro- 
tection. 

Idikut  was  very  much  pleased,  when  his  mes- 
sengers returned,  to  learn  that  his  mission  had 


1208.]  iDIKUT.  181 

Idikut's  visit  to  Genghis  Khan.  Gurkhan  in  a  rage. 

been  so  successful.  He  immediately  determ- 
ined to  go  himself  and  visit  Genghis  Khan  in 
his  camp,  in  order  to  confirm  the  new  alliance 
by  making  a  personal  tender  to  the  emperor 
of  his  homage  and  his  services.  He  according- 
ly prepared  some  splendid  presents,  and,  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  troop  of  guards,  he 
proceeded  to  the  camp  of  Genghis  Khan.  The 
emperor  received  him  in  a  very  kind  and  friend- 
ly manner.  He  accepted  his  presents,  and,  in 
the  end,  was  so  much  pleased  with  Idikut  him- 
self that  he  gave  him  one  of  his  daughters  in 
marriage. 

As  for  Gurkhan,  when  he  first  heard  of  the 
murder  of  Shuwakem  and  the  other  officers,  he 
was  in  a  terrible  rage.  He  declared  that  he 
would  revenge  his  servant  by  laying  waste  Idi- 
kut's territories  with  fire  and  sword.  But  when 
he  heard  that  Idikut  had  placed  himself  under 
the  protection  of  Genghis  Khan,  and  especially 
when  he  learned  that  he  had  married  the  emper- 
or's daughter,  he  thought  it  more  prudent  to 
postpone  his  vengeance,  not  being  quite  will- 
ing to  draw  upon  himself  the  hostility  of  so 
great  a  power. 

Prince  Kushluk  remained  for  many  years  in 
Turkestan  and  in  the  countries  adjoining  it. 
He  married  a  daughter  of  Gurkhan,  his  protect- 


182  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1208. 

Subsequent  history  of  Kushluk.   Jena.   Kushluk's  final  defeat  and  flight. 

or.  Partly  in  consequence  of  this  connection 
and  of  the  high  rank  which  he  had  held  in  his 
own  native  land,  and  partly,  perhaps,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  personal  courage  and  other  mil- 
itary qualities,  he  rapidly  acquired  great  influ- 
ence among  the  khans  of  Western  Asia,  and 
at  last  he  organized  a  sort  of  rebellion  against 
Gurkhan,  made  war  against  him,  and  deprived 
him  of  more  than  half  his  dominions.  He  then 
collected  a  large  army,  and  prepared  to  make 
war  upon  Genghis  Khan.  Genghis  Khan  sent 
one  of  his  best  generals,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
but  very  compact  and  well-disciplined  force, 
against  him.  The  name  of  this  general  was 
Jena.  Kushluk  was  not  at  all  intimidated  by 
the  danger  which  now  threatened  him.  His 
own  army  was  much  larger  than  that  of  Jena, 
and  he  accordingly  advanced  to  meet  his  enemy 
without  fear.  He  was,  however,  beaten  in  the 
battle,  and,  when  he  saw  that  the  day  was  lost, 
he  fled,  followed  by  a  small  party  of  horsemen, 
who  succeeded  in  saving  themselves  with  him. 

Jena  set  out  immediately  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitive,  accompanied  by  a  small  body  of  men 
mounted  on  the  fleetest  horses.  The  party 
who  were  with  Kushluk,  being  exhausted  by 
the  fatigue  of  the  battle  and  bewildered  by  the 
excitement  and  terror  of  their  flight,  could  not 


1208.]  IDIKUT.  183 

Hotly  pursued  by  Jena.     Kushluk'B  death.      Genghis  Khan's  triumph. 

keep  together,  but  were  overtaken  one  by  one 
and  slain  by  their  pursuers  until  only  three 
were  left.  These  three  kept  close  to  Kushluk, 
and  with  him  went  on  until  Jena's  party  lost 
the  track  of  them. 

At  length,  coming  to  a  place  where  two  roads 
met,  Jena  asked  a  peasant  if  he  had  seen  any 
strange  horsemen  pass  that  way.  The  peasant 
said  that  four  horsemen  had  passed  a  short 
time  before,  and  he  told  Jena  which  road  they 
had  taken. 

Jena  and  his  party  rode  on  in  the  direction 
which  the  peasant  had  indicated,  and,  pushing 
forward  with  redoubled  speed,  they  soon  over- 
took the  unhappy  fugitives.  They  fell  upon 
Kushluk  without  mercy,  and  killed  him  on  the 
spot.  They  then  cut  off  his  head,  and  turned 
back  to  carry  it  to  Genghis  Khan. 

Genghis  Khan  rewarded  Jena  in  the  most 
magnificent  manner  for  his  successful  perform- 
ance of  this  exploit,  and  then,  putting  Kush- 
luk's  head  upon  a  pole,  he  displayed  it  in  all 
the  camps  and  villages  through  which  he 
passed,  where  it  served  at  once  as  a  token  and 
a  trophy  of  his  victory  against  an  enemy,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  as  a  warning  to  all  other  per- 
sons of  the  terrible  danger  which  they  would 
incur  in  attempting  to  resist  his  power. 


184  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 


The  Chin.se  w&U. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU. 

THE  accounts  given  us  of  the  events  and 
transactions  of  Genghis  Khan's  reign  aft- 
er he  acquired  the  supreme  power  over  the 
Mongul  and  Tartar  nations  are  imperfect,  and, 
in  many  respects,  confused.  It  appears,  how- 
ever, from  them  that  in  the  year  1211,  that  is, 
about  five  years  after  his  election  as  grand 
khan,  he  became  involved  in  a  war  with  the 
Chinese,  which  led,  in  the  end,  to  very  import- 
ant consequences.  The  kingdom  of  China  lay 
to  the  southward  of  the  Mongul  territories,  and 
the  frontier  was  defended  by  the  famous  Chi- 
nese wall,  which  extended  from  east  to  west, 
over  hills  and  valleys,  from  the  great  desert  to 
the  sea,  for  many  hundred  miles.  The  wall 
was  defended  by  towers,  built  here  and  there 
in  commanding  positions  along  the  whole  ex- 
tent of  it,  and  at  certain  distances  there  were 
fortified  towns  where  powerful  garrisons  were 
stationed,  and  reserves  of  troops  were  held 
ready  to  be  marched  to  different  points  along 


1211.]    THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       185 

The  frontier.     Outside  the  wall.     Origin  of  the  quarrel  with  the  Chinese. 

the  wall,  wherever  there  might  be  occasion  for 
their  services. 

The  wall  was  not  strictly  the  Chinese  fron- 
tier, for  the  territory  on  the  outside  of  it  to  a 
considerable  distance  was  held  by  the  Chinese 
government,  and  there  were  many  large  towns 
and  some  very  strong  fortresses  in  this  outly- 
ing region,  all  of  which  were  held  and  garrison- 
ed by  Chinese  troops. 

The  inhabitants,  however,  of  the  countries 
outside  the  wall  were  generally  of  the  Tartar 
or  Mongul  race.  They  were  of  a  nation  or  tribe 
called  the  Kitan,  and  were  somewhat  inclined 
to  rebel  against  the  Chinese  rule.  In  order  to 
assist  in  keeping  them  in  subjection,  one  of  the 
Chinese  emperors  issued  a  decree  which  ordain- 
ed that  the  governors  of  those  provinces  should 
place  in  all  the  large  towns,  and  other  strong- 
holds outside  the  wall,  twice  as  many  families 
of  the  Chinese  as  there  were  of  the  Kitan.  This 
regulation  greatly  increased  the  discontent  of 
the  Kitan,  and  made  them  more  inclined  to  re- 
bellion than  they  were  before. 

Besides  this,  there  had  been  for  some  time  a 
growing  difficulty  between  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment and  Genghis  Khan.  It  seems  that  the 
Monguls  had  been  for  a  long  time  accustomed 
to  pay  some  sort  of  tribute  to  the  Emperor  of 


186  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 


Yong-tsi. 


China,  and  many  years  before,  while  Genghis 
Khan,  under  the  name  of  Temujin,  was  living  at 
Karakorom,  a  subject  of  Vang  Khan,  the  emper- 
or sent  a  certain  royal  prince,  named  Yong-tsi, 
to  receive  what  was  due.  While  Yong-tsi  was 
in  the  Mongul  territory  he  and  Temujin  met, 
but  they  did  not  agree  together  at  all.  The 
Chinese  prince  put  some  slight  upon  Temujin, 
which  Temujin  resented.  Very  likely  Temu 
jin,  whose  character  at  that  time,  as  well  as  aft- 
erward, was  marked  with  a  great  deal  of  pride 
and  spirit,  opposed  the  payment  of  the  tribute. 
At  any  rate,  Yong-tsi  became  very  much  in- 
censed against  him,  and,  on  his  return,  made  se- 
rious charges  against  him  to  the  emperor,  and 
urged  that  he  should  be  seized  and  put  to  death. 
But  the  emperor  declined  engaging  in  so  dan- 
gerous an  undertaking.  Yong-tsi 's  proposal, 
however,  became  known  to  Temujin,  and  he 
secretly  resolved  that  he  would  one  day  have 
his  revenge. 

At  length,  about  three  or  four  years  after 
Temujin  was  raised  to  the  throne,  the  emperor 
of  the  Chinese  died,  and  Yong-tsi  succeeded 
him.  The  very  next  year  he  sent  an  officer  to 
Genghis  Khan  to  demand  the  usual  tribute. 
When  the  officer  came  into  the  presence  of 
Genghis  Khan  in  his  camp^  and  made  his  de* 


1211.]   TEE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       187 

Genghis  Khan's  contempt  for  him.  Annies  raised. 

mand,  Genghis  Khan  asked  him  who  was  the 
emperor  that  had  sent  him  with  such  a  mes- 
sage. 

The  officer  replied  that  Yong-tsi  was  at  that 
time  emperor  of  the  Chinese. 

"Yong-tsi!"  repeated  Genghis  Khan,  in  a 
tone  of  great  contempt.  "  The  Chinese  have  a 
proverb,"  he  added,  "that  such  a  people  as  they 
ought  to  have  a  god  for  their  emperor ;  but  it 
seems  they  do  not  know  how  to  choose  even  a 
decent  man." 

It  was  true  that  they  had  such  a  proverb. 
They  were  as  remarkable,  it  seems,  in  those 
days  as  they  are  now  for  their  national  self-im- 
portance and  vanity. 

"  Go  and  tell  your  emperor,"  added  Genghis 
Khan,  "  that  I  am  a  sovereign  ruler,  and  that  I 
will  never  acknowledge  him  as  my  master." 

When  the  messenger  returned  with  this  de- 
fiant answer,  Yong-tsi  was  very  much  enraged, 
and  immediately  began  to  prepare  for  war. 
Genghis  Khan  also  at  once  commenced  his 
preparations.  He  sent  envoys  to  the  leading 
khans  who  occupied  the  territories  outside  the 
wall  inviting  them  to  join  him.  He  raised  a 
great  army,  and  put  the  several  divisions  of  it 
under  the  charge  of  his  ablest  generals.  Yong- 
tsi  raised  a  great  army  too,  The  historians  say 


188  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 

Uiijukn.  Many  of  the  khans  come  over  on  Genghis'?  side. 

that  it  amounted  to  three  hundred  thousand 
men.  He  put  this  army  under  the  command 
of  a  great  general  named  Hujaku,  and  ordered 
him  to  advance  with  it  to  the  northward,  so  as 
to  intercept  the  army  of  Genghis  Khan  on  its 
way,  and  to  defend  the  wall  and  the  fortresses 
on  the  outside  of  it  from  his  attacks. 

In  the  campaign  which  ensued  Genghis  Khan 
was  most  successful.  The  Monguls  took  pos- 
session of  a  great  many  towns  and  fortresses 
beyond  the  wall,  and  every  victory  that  they 
gained  made  the  tribes  and  nations  that  inhab- 
ited those  provinces  more  and  more  disposed 
to  join  them.  Many  of  them  revolted  against 
the  Chinese  authority,  and  turned  to  their  side. 
One  of  these"  was  a  chieftain  so  powerful  that 
he  commanded  an  army  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand men.  In  order  to  bind  himself  solemnly 
to  the  covenant  which  he  was  to  make  with 
Genghis  Khan,  he  ascended  a  mountain  in  com- 
pany with  the  envoy  and  with  others  who  were 
to  witness  the  proceedings,  and  there  perform- 
ed the  ceremony  customary  on  such  occasions. 
The  ceremony  consisted  of  sacrificing  a  white 
horse  and  a  black  ox,  and  then  breaking  an  ar- 
row, at  the  same  time  pronouncing  an  oath  by 
which  he  bound  himself  under  the  most  solemn 
sanctions  to  be  faithful  to  Genghis  Khan. 


1211.J   THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       189 

Victory  over  Hujaku.  Genghis  Khan  is  wounded. 

To  reward  the  prince  for  this  act  of  adhesion 
to  his  cause,  Genghis  Khan  made  him  king  over 
all  that  portion  of  the  country,  and  caused  him 
to  be  every  where  so  proclaimed.  This  encour- 
aged a  |freat  many  other  khans  and  chieftains 
to  come  over  to  his  side ;  and  at  length  one  who 
had  the  command  of  one  of  the  gates  of  the 
great  wall,  and  of  the  fortress  which  defended 
it,  joined  him.  By  this  means  Genghis  Khan 
obtained  access  to  the  interior  of  the  Chinese 
dominions,  and  Yong-tsi  and  his  great  general 
Hujaku  became  seriously  alarmed. 

At  length,  after  various  marchings  and  coun- 
termarchings,  Genghis  Khan  learned  that  Hu- 
jaku was  encamped  with  the  whole  of  his  army 
in  a  very  strong  position  at  the  foot  of  a  mount- 
ain, and  he  determined  to  proceed  thither  and 
attack  him.  He  did  so ;  and  the  result  of  the 
battle  was  that  Hujaku  was  beaten  and  was 
forced  to  retreat.  He  retired  to  a  great  forti- 
fied town,  and  Genghis  Khan  followed  him  and 
laid  siege  to  the  town.  Hujaku,  finding  him- 
self in  imminent  danger,  fled ;  and  Genghis 
Khan  was  on  the  point  of  taking  the  town, 
when  he  was  suddenly  stopped  in  his  career  by 
being  one  day  wounded  severely  by  an  arrow 
which  was  shot  at  him  from  the  wall. 

The  wound  was  so  severe  that,  while  suffer- 


190  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 

Hujaku  disgraced.  Restored  again. 

ing  under  it,  Genghis  Khan  found  that  he  could 
not  successfully  direct  the  operations  of  his 
army,  and  so  he  withdrew  his  troops  and  re- 
tired into  his  own  country,  to  wait  there  until 
his  wound  should  be  healed.  In  a  few1  months 
he  was  entirely  recovered,  and  the  next  year  he 
fitted  out  a  new  expedition,  and  advanced  again 
into  China. 

In  the  mean  time,  Hujaku,  who  had  been  re- 
peatedly defeated  and  driven  back  the  year  be- 
fore by  Genghis  Khan,  had  fallen  into  disgrace. 
His  rivals  and  enemies  among  the  other  gener- 
als of  the  army,  and  among  the  officers  of  the 
court,  conspired  against  him,  and  represented 
to  the  emperor  that  he  was  unfit  to  command, 
and  that  his  having  failed  to  defend  the  towns 
and  the  country  that  had  been  committed  to 
him  was  owing  to  his  cowardice  and  incapacity. 
In  consequence  of  these  representations  Hujaku 
was  cashiered,  that  is,  dismissed  from  his  com- 
mand in  disgrace. 

This  made  him  very  angry,  and  he  determ- 
ined that  he  would  have  his  revenge.  There 
was  a  large  party  in  his  favor  at  court,  as  well 
as  a  party  against  him ;  and  after  a  long  and 
bitter  contention,  the  former  once  more  prevail- 
ed, and  induced  the  emperor  to  restore  Hujaku 
to  hie  command  again. 


1211.]  THE  STORY  ov  HUJAKU.       191 


Dissensions  among  the  Chinese.  Advance  of  the  Mongula. 

The  quarrel,  however, -was  not  ended,  and  so, 
when  Grenghis  Khan  came  the  next  year  to  re- 
new the  invasion,  the  councils  of  the  Chinese 
were  so  distracted,  and  their  operations  so  par« 
alyzed  by  this  feud,  that  he  gained  very  eas^ 
victories  over  them.  The  Chinese  generals,  in* 
stead  of  acting  together  in  a  harmonious  man- 
ner against  the  common  enemy,  were  intent 
only  on  the  quarrel  which  they  were  waging 
against  each  other. 

At  length  the  animosity  proceeded  to  such 
an  extreme  that  Hujaku  resolved  to  depose  the 
emperor,  who  seemed  inclined  rather  to  take 
part  against  him,  assassinate  all  the  chiefs  of 
the  opposite  party,  and  then  finally  to  put  the 
emperor  to  death,  and  cause  himself  to  be  pro- 
claimed in  his  stead. 

In  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  execu- 
tion of  this  scheme,  he  forbore  to  act  vigorously 
against  Genghis  Khan  and  the  Monguls,  but 
allowed  them  to  advance  farther  and  farther 
into  the  country.  This,  of  course,  increased 
the  general  discontent  and  excitement,  and  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  revolt  which  Hujaku  was 
plotting. 

At  length  the  time  for  action  arrived.  Hu- 
jaku suddenly  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  large 
force  at  the  gates  of  the  capital,  and  gave  the 


192  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 

Hujaku's  rebellion.  Death  of  Yong-t»L 

alarm  that  the  Monguls  were  coming.  He 
pressed  forward  into  the  city  to  the  palace,  and 
gave  the  alarm  there.  At  the  same  time,  files 
of  soldiers,  whom  he  had  ordered  to  this  serv- 
ice, went  to  all  parts  of  the  city,  arresting  and 
putting  to  death  all  the  leaders  of  the  party  op- 
posed to  him,  under  pretense  that  he  had  dis- 
covered a  plot  or  conspiracy  in  which  they 
were  engaged  to  betray  the  city  to  the  enemy. 
The  excitement  and  confusion  which  was  pro- 
duced by  this  charge,  and  by  the  alarm  occa- 
sioned by  the  supposed  coming  of  the  Monguls, 
so  paralyzed  the  authorities  of  the  town  that 
nobody  resisted  Hujaku,  or  attempted  to  save 
the  persons  whom  he  arrested.  Some  of  them 
he  caused  to  be  killed  on  the  spot.  Others  he 
shut  up  in  prison.  Finding  himself  thus  un- 
disputed master  of  the  city,  he  next  took  pos 
session  of  the  palace,  seized  the  emperor,  de- 
posed him  from  his  office,  and  shut  him  up  in 
a  dungeon.  Soon  afterward  he  put  him  to 
death. 

This  was  the  end  of  Yong-tsi ;  but  Hujaku 
did  not  succeed,  after  all,  in  his  design  of  caus- 
ing himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor  in  his 
stead.  He  found  that  there  would  be  very 
great  opposition  to  this,  and  so  he  gave  up  this 
part  of  his  plan,  and  finally  raised  a  certain 


1211.]   THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       193 

Hujaku  advances.  The  battle.  Hujaki's  victory. 

prince  of  the  royal  family  to  the  throne,  while 
he  retained  his  office  of  commander-in  -chief  of 
the  forces.  Having  thus,  as  he  thought,  effect- 
ually destroyed  the  influence  and  power  of  his 
enemies  at  the  capital,  he  put  himself  once  more 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  went  forth  to  meet 
Genghis  Khan. 

Some  accident  happened  to  him  about  this 
time  by  which  his  foot  was  hurt,  so  that  he  was, 
in  some  degree,  disabled,  but  still  he  went  on. 
At  length  he  met  the  vanguard  of  Genghis 
Khan's  army  at  a  place  where  they  were  at- 
tempting to  cross  a  river  by  a  bridge.  Hujaku 
determined  immediately  to  attack  them.  The 
state  of  his  foot  was  such  that  he  could  not 
walk  nor  even  mount  a  horse,  but  he  caused 
himself  to  be  put  upon  a  sort  of  car,  and  was 
by  this  means  carried  into  the  battle. 

The  Monguls  were  completely  defeated  and 
driven  back.  Perhaps  this  was  because  Gen- 
ghis Khan  was  not  the're  to  command  them. 
He  was  at  some  distance  in  the  rear  with  the 
main  body  of  the  army. 

Hujaku  was  very  desirous  of  following  up 
his  victory  by  pursuing  and  attacking  the  Mon- 
gul  vanguard  the  next  day.  He  could  not, 
however,  do  this  personally,  for,  on  account  of 
the  excitement  and  exposure  which  he  had  en- 
12—13 


194  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211 

Kan^ki's  expedition.  Failure.  Hujaku  enraged 

dured  in  the  battle,  and  the  rough  movements 
and  joltings  which,  notwithstanding  all  his  care, 
he  had  to  bear  in  being  conveyed  to  and  fro 
about  the  field,  his  foot  grew  much  worse.  In- 
flammation set  in  during  the  night,  and  the 
next  day  the  wound  opened  afresh  ;  so  he  was 
obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  going  out  him- 
self against  the  enemy,  and  to  send  one  of  his 
generals  instead.  The  general  to  whom  he 
gave  the  command  was  named  Kan-ki. 

Kan-ki  went  out  against  the  enemy,  but,  after 
a  time,  returned  unsuccessful.  Hujaku  was 
very  angry  with  him  when  he  came  to  hear  his 
report.  Perhaps  the  wound  in  his  foot  made 
him  impatient  and  unreasonable.  At  any  rate, 
he  declared  that  the  cause  of  Kan-ki's  failure 
was  his  dilatoriness  in  pursuing  the  enemy, 
which  was  cowardice  or  treachery,  and,  in  either 
case,  he  deserved  to  suffer  death  for  it.  He  im- 
mediately sent  to  the  ernperor  a  report  of  the 
case,  asking  that  the  sentence  of  death  which  he 
had  pronounced  against  Kan-ki  might  be  con- 
firmed, and  that  he  might  be  authorized  to  put 
it  into  execution. 

But  the  emperor,  knowing  that  Kan-ki  was 
a  courageous  and  faithful  officer,  would  not  cou« 
sent. 

In  the  mean  while,  before  the  emperor's  an 


1211.]   THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       195 

Kan-ki' s  second  trial.  The  sand-storm. 

swer  came  back,  the  wrath  of  Hujaku  had  had 
time  to  cool  a  little.  Accordingly,  when  he  re- 
ceived the  answer,  he  said  to  Kan-ki  that  he 
would,  after  all,  try  him  once  more. 

"Take  the  command  of  the  troops  again," 
said  he,  "and  go  out  against  the  enemy.  If 
you  beat  them,  I  will  overlook  your  first  offense 
and  spare  your  life ;  but  if  you  are  beaten  your- 
self a  second  time,  you  shall  die." 

So  Kan-ki  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
detachment,  and  went  out  again  to  attack  the 
Monguls.  They  were  to  the  northward,  and 
were  posted,  it  seems,  upon  or  near  a  sandy 
plain.  At  any  rate,  a  strong  north  wind  began 
to  blow  at  the  time  when  the  attack  com- 
menced, and  blew  the  sand  and  dust  into  the 
eyes  of  his  soldiers  so  that  they  could  not  see, 
while  their  enemies  the  Monguls,  having  their 
backs  to  the  wind,  were  very  little  incommoded. 
The  result  was  that  Kan-ki  was  repulsed  with 
considerable  loss,  and  was  obliged  to  make  the 
best  of  his  way  back  to  Hujaku's  quarters  to 
save  the  remainder  of  his  men. 

He  was  now  desperate.  Hujaku  had  declared 
that  if  he  came  back  without  having  gained  a 
victory  he  should  die,  and  he  had  no  doubt  that 
the  man  was  violent  and  reckless  enough  to 
keep  his  word.  He  determined  not  to  submit 


196  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 

Kan-ki's  dt^perate  resolution.  The  attack.  Hujaku's  flight. 

He  might  as  well  die  fighting,  he  thought,  at 
the  head  of  his  troops,  as  to  be  igjiobly  put  to 
death  by  Hujaku's  executioner.  So  he  ar- 
ranged it  with  his  troops,  who  probably  hated 
Hujaku  as  much  as  he  did,  that,  on  returning 
to  the  town,  they  should  march  in  under  arms, 
take  possession  of  the  place,  surround  the  pal- 
ace, and  seize  the  general  and  make  him  pris- 
oner, or  kill  him  if  he  should  attempt  any  re- 
sistance. 

The  troops  accordingly,  when  they  arrived 
at  the  gates  of  the  town,  seized  and  disarmed 
the  guards,  and  then  marched  in,  brandishing 
their  weapons,  and  uttering  loud  shouts  and 
outcries,  which  excited  first  a  feeling  of  aston- 
ishment and  then  of  terror  among  the  inhabit- 
ants. The  alarm  soon  spread  to  the  palace. 
Indeed,  the  troops  themselves  soon  reached  and 
surrounded  the  palace,  and  began  thundering 
at  the  gates  to  gain  admission.  They  soon 
forced  their  way  in.  Hujaku,  in  the  mean 
time,  terrified  and  panic-stricken,  had  fled  from 
the  palace  into  the  gardens,  in  hopes  to  make 
his  escape  by  the  garden  walls.  The  soldiers 
pursued  him.  In  his  excitement  and  agitation 
he  leaped  down  from  a  wall  too  high  for  such 
a  descent,  and,  in  his  fall,  broke  his  leg.  He 
lay  writhing  helplessly  on  the  ground  when 


1211.]   THE  STORY  OF  HUJAKU.       197 

He  is  killed  in  the  gardens.  Kan-ki  is  pardoned  and  promoted. 

the  soldiers  came  up.  They  were  wild  and 
furious  with  the  excitement  of  pursuit,  and 
they  killed  him  with  their  spears  where  he  lay. 

Kan-ki  took  the  head  of  his  old  enemy  and 
carried  it  to  the  capital,  with  the  intention  of 
offering  it  to  the  emperor,  and  also  of  surren- 
dering himself  to  the  officers  of  justice,  in  or- 
der, as  he  said,  that  he  might  be  put  to  death 
for  the  crime  of  which  he  had  been  guilty  in 
heading  a  military  revolt  and  killing  his  su- 
perior officer.  By  all  the  laws  of  war  this  was 
a  most  heinous  and  a  wholly  unpardonable 
offense. 

But  the  emperor  was  heartily  glad  that  the 
turbulent  and  unmanageable  old  general  was 
put  out  of  the  way,  for  a  man  so  unprincipled, 
so  ambitious,  and  so  reckless  as  Hujaku  was  is 
always  an  object  of  aversion  and  terror  to  all 
who  have  any  thing  to  do  with  him.  The  em- 
peror accordingly  issued  a  proclamation,  in 
which  he  declared  that  Hujaku  had  been  justly 
put  to  death  in  punishment  for  many  crimes 
which  he  had  committed,  and  soon  afterward 
he  appointed  Kan-ki  commander-in-chief  of  the 
forces  in  his  stead. 


£98  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1211. 

for  continued.  Rich  and  fertile  countlj. 


CHAPTEK  XVI. 
CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA. 

AFTER  the  death  of  Hujaku,  the  Emperor 
of  China  endeavored  to  defend  his  domin- 
ions against  Genghis  Khan  by  means  of  his  oth- 
er generals,  and  the  war  was  continued  for  sev- 
eral years,  during  which  time  Genghis  Khan 
made  himself  master  of  all  the  northern  part  of 
China,  and  ravaged  the  whole  country  in  the 
most  reckless  and  cruel  manner.  The  country 
was  very  populous  and  very  rich.  The  people, 
unlike  the  Monguls  and  Tartars,  lived  by  tilling 
the  ground,  and  they  practiced,  in  great  perfec- 
tion, many  manufacturing  and  mechanic  arts. 
The  country  was  very  fertile,  and,  in  the  place  of 
the  boundless  pasturages  of  the  Mongul  terri- 
tories, it  was  covered  in  all  directions  with  cul- 
tivated fields,  gardens,  orchards,  and  mulberry- 
groves,  while  thriving  villages  and  busy  towns 
were  scattered  over  the  whole  face  of  it.  It  was 
to  protect  this  busy  hive  of  wealth  and  indus- 
try that  the  great  wall  had  been  built  ages  be- 
fore ;  for  the  Chinese  had  always  been  station- 


1214.]     CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         199 

Grand  invasion.  Simultaneous  attack  by  four  armies. 

ary,  industrious,  and  peaceful,  while  the  terri- 
tories of  Central  Asia,  lying  to  the  north  of 
them,  had  been  filled  from  time  immemorial 
with  wild,  roaming,  and  unscrupulous  troops 
of  marauders,  like  those  who  were  now  united 
under  the  banner  of  Genghis  Khan.  The  wall 
had  afforded  for  some  hundreds  of  years  an  ade- 
quate protection,  for  no  commander  had  ap- 
peared of  sufficient  power  to  organize  and  com- 
bine the  various  hordes  on  a  scale  great  enough 
to  enable  them  to  force  so  strong  a  barrier.  But, 
now  that  Genghis  Khan  had  come  upon  the 
stage,  the  barrier  was  broken  through,  and  the 
terrible  and  reckless  hordes  poured  in  with  all 
the  force  and  fury  of  an  inundation.  In  the 
year  1214,  which  was  the  year  following  that 
in  which  Hujaku  was  killed,  Genghis  Khan  or- 
ganized a  force  so  large,  for  the  invasion  of 
China,  that  he  divided  it  into  four  different  bat- 
talions, which  were  to  enter  by  different  roads, 
and  ravage  different  portions  of  the  country. 
Each  of  these  divisions  was  by  itself  a  great 
and  powerful  army,  and  the  simultaneous  inva- 
sion of  four  such  masses  of  reckless  and  merci- 
less enemies  filled  the  whole  land  with  terror 
and  dismay. 

The  Chinese  emperor  sent  the  best  bodies 
Qf  troops  under  his  command  to  guard  the  pasa- 


200  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1214. 

Enthusiasm  of  the  troops.  Captives. 


es  in  the  mountains,  and  the  bridges  and  ford- 
ing-places  on  the  rivers,  hoping  in  this  way  to 
do  something  toward  stemming  the  tide  of  these 
torrents  of  invasion.  But  it  was  all  in  vain. 
Genghis  Khan  had  raised  and  equipped  his 
forces  by  means,  in  a  great  measure,  of  the  plun- 
der which  he  had  obtained  in  China  the  year 
before,  and  he  had  made  great  promises  and 
glowing  representations  to  his  men  in  respect 
to  the  booty  to  be  obtained  in  this  new  cam- 
paign. The  troops  were  consequently  full  of 
ardor  and  enthusiasm,  and  they  pressed  on  with 
such  impetuosity  as  to  carry  all  before  them. 

The  Emperor  of  China,  in  pursuing  his  meas- 
ures of  defense,  had  ordered  all  the  men  capa- 
ble of  bearing  arms  in  the  villages  and  in  the 
open  country  to  repair  to  the  nearest  large  city 
or  fortress,  there  to  be  enrolled  and  equipped 
for  service.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
Monguls  found  in  many  places,  as  they  ad- 
vanced through  the  country,  nobody  but  infirm 
old  men,  and  women  and  children  in  the  ham- 
lets and  villages.  A  great  many  of  these,  es- 
pecially  such  as  seemed  to  be  of  most  conse- 
quence, the  handsomest  and  best  of  the  wom- 
en, and  the  oldest  children,  they  seized  and  took 
with  them  in  continuing  their  march,  intending 
tx>  make  slaves  of  them.  They  also  took  pos< 


121-i.J     CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         201 

Immense  plunder.      Dreadful  ravages.      Base  use  made  of  the  captives. 


session  of  all  the  gold  and  silver,  and  also  of  all 
the  silks  and  other  rich  and  valuable  merchan- 
dise which  they  found,  and  distributed  it  as 
plunder.  The  spoil  which  they  obtained,  too, 
in  sheep  and  cattle,  was  enormous.  From  it 
they  made  up  immense  flocks  and  herds,  which 
were  driven  off  into  the  Mongul  country.  The 
rest  were  slaughtered,  and  used  to  supply  the 
army  with  food. 

It  was  the  custom  of  the  invaders,  after  hav- 
ing pillaged  a  town  and  its  environs,  and  taken 
away  all  which  they  could  convert  to  any  use- 
ful purpose  for  themselves,  to  burn  the  town 
itself,  and  then  to  march  on,  leaving  in  the  place 
only  a  smoking  heap  of  ruins,  with  the  miser- 
able remnant  of  the  population  which  they  had 
spared  wandering  about  the  scene  of  desolation 
in  misery  and  despair. 

.  They  made  a  most  cowardly  and  atrocious 
use,  too,  of  the  prisoners  whom  they  conveyed 
away.  When  they  arrived  at  a  fortified  town 
where  there  was  a  garrison  or  any  other  armed 
force  prepared  to  resist  them,  they  would  bring 
forward  these  helpless  captives,  and  put  them 
in  the  fore-front  of  the  battle  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  men  on  the  walls  could  not  shoot  their 
arrows  at  their  savage  assailants  without  killing 
their  own  wives  and  children.  The  officers 


202  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1214 

Extent  of  Mongul  conquests.  The  siege  of  Yen-king. 

commanded  the  men  to  fire  notwithstanding. 
But  they  were  so  moved  by  the  piteous  cries 
which  the  women  and  children  made  that  they 
could  not  bear  to  do  it,  and  so  they  refused  to 
obey,  and  in  the  excitement  and  confusion  thus 
produced  the  Monguls  easily  obtained  posses- 
sion of  the  town. 

There  are  two  great  rivers  in  China,  both  of 
which  flow  from  west  to  east,  and  they  are  at 
such  a  distance  from  each  other  and  from  the 
frontiers  that  they  divide  the  territory  into  three 
nearly  equal  parts.  The  northernmost  of  these 
rivers  is  the  Hoang  Ho.  The  Monguls  in  the 
course  of  two  years  overrun  and  made  them- 
selves masters  of  almost  the  whole  country  ly- 
ing north  of  this  river,  that  is,  of  about  one 
third  of  China  proper.  There  were,  however, 
some  strongly-fortified  towns  which  they  found 
it  very  difficult  to  conquer. 

Among  other  places,  there  was  the  imperial 
city  of  Yen-king,  where  the  emperor  himself 
resided,  which  was  so  strongly  defended  that 
for  some  time  the  Monguls  did  not  venture  to 
attack  it.  At  length,  however,  Genghis  Khan 
came  himself  to  the  place,  and  concentrated 
there  a  very  large  force.  The  emperor  and  his 
court  were  very  much  alarmed,  expecting  an 
immediate  assault.  Still  Genghis  Khan  hesi- 


1214.]     CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         203 

Proposed  terms  of  arrangement.  Difference  of  opinion. 

tated.  Some  of  his  generals  urged  him  to  scale 
the  walls,  and  so  force  his  way  into  the  city. 
But  he  thought  it  more  politic  to  adopt  a  differ- 
ent plan. 

So  he  sent  an  officer  into  the  town  with  pro- 
posals of  peace  to  be  communicated  to  the  em- 
peror. In  these  proposals  Genghis  Khan  said 
that  he  himself  was  inclined  to  spare  the  town, 
but  that  to  appease  his  soldiers,  who  were  furi- 
ous to  attack  and  pillage  the  city,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  make  them  considerable  presents, 
and  that,  if  the  emperor  would  agree  to  such 
terms  with  him  as  should  enable  him  to  satisfy 
his  men  in  this  respect,  he  would  spare  the  city 
and  would  retire,, 

The  emperor  and  his  advisers  were  much  per- 
plexed at  the  receipt  of  this  proposal.  There 
was  great  difference  of  opinion  among  the  coun- 
selors in  respect  to  the  reply  which  was  to  be 
made  to  it.  Some  were  in  favor  of  rejecting  it 
at  once.  One  general,  not  content  with  a  sim- 
ple rejection  of  it,  proposed  that,  to  show  the 
indignation  and  resentment  which  they  felt  in 
receiving  it,  the  garrison  should  march  out  of 
the  gates  and  attack  the  Monguls  in  their  camp. 

There  were  other  ministers,  however,  who 
urged  the  emperor  to  submit  to  the  necessity 
of  the  case,  and  make  peace  with  the  conqueror. 


204  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1214 

Consultations  on  the  subject.  The  conditions  accepted. 

They  said  that  the  idea  of  going  out  to  attack 
the  enemy  in  their  camp  was  too  desperate  to 
be  entertained  for  a  moment,  and  if  they  wait- 
ed within  the  walls  and  attempted  to  defend 
themselves  there,  they  exposed  themselves  to 
a  terrible  danger,  without  any  countervailing 
hope  of  advantage  at  all  commensurate  with  it ; 
for  if  they  failed  to  save  the  city  they  were  all 
utterly  and  irretrievably  ruined ;  and  if,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  succeeded  in  repelling  the  as- 
sault, it  was  only  a  brief  respite  that  they  could 
hope  to  gain,  for  the  Monguls  would  soon  re- 
turn in  greater  numbers  and  in  a  higher  state 
of  excitement  and  fury  than  ever.  Besides, 
they  said,  the  garrison  was  discontented  and  de- 
pressed in  spirit,  and  would  make  but  a  feeble 
resistance.  It  was  composed  mainly  of  troops 
brought  in  from  the  country,  away  from  their 
families  and  homes,  and  all  that  they  desired 
was  to  be  released  from  duty,  in  order  that  they 
might  go  and  see  what  had  become  of  their 
wives  and  children. 

The  emperor,  in  the  end,  adopted  this  coun- 
sel, and  he  sent  a  commissioner  to  the  camp  of 
Genghis  Khan  to  ask  on  what  terms  peace  could 
be  made.  Genghis  Khan  stated  the  conditions. 
They  were  very  hard,  but  the  emperor  was 
compelled  to  submit  to  them.  One  of  the  stip 


1214.]      CONQUESTS  IN   CHINA.         205 


Terms  of  peace  agreed  upon.  The  emperor's  uneasiness. 

ulations  was  that  Genghis  Khan  was  to  receive 
one  of  the  Chinese  princesses,  a  daughter  of  the 
late  emperor  Yong-tsi,  to  add  to  the  number  of 
his  wives.  There  were  also  to  be  delivered  to 
him  for  slaves  five  hundred  young  boys  and  as 
many  girls,  three  thousand  horses,  a  large  quan- 
tity of  silk,  and  an  immense  sum  of  money. 
As  soon  as  these  conditions  were  fulfilled,  after 
dividing  the  slaves  and  the  booty  among  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  his  army,  Genghis  Khan 
raised  the  siege  and  moved  off  to  the  north- 
ward. 

In  respect  to  the  captives  that  his  soldiers 
had  taken  in  the  towns  and  villages — the  wom- 
en and  children  spoken  of  above — the  army 
carried  off  with  them  all  that  were  old  enough 
to  be  of  any  value  as  slaves.  The  little  chil- 
dren, who  would  only,  they  thought,  be  in  the 
way,  they  massacred. 

The  emperor  was  by  no  means  easy  after  the 
Mongul  army  had  gone.  A  marauding  enemy 
like  that,  bought  off  by  the  payment  of  a  ran- 
som, is  exceedingly  apt  to  find  some  pretext  for 
returning,  and  the  emperor  did  not  feel  that  he 
was  safe.  Very  soon  after  the  Monguls  had 
withdrawn,  he  proposed  to  his  council  the  plan 
of  removing  his  court  southward  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Hoang  Ho,  to  a  large  city  in  the 


206  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1214 


Abandonment  of  the  capital. 


province  of  Henan.  Some  of  his  counselors 
made  great  objections  to  this  proposal.  They 
said  that  if  the  emperor  withdrew  in  that  man- 
ner from  the  northern  provinces  that  portion  of 
his  empire  would  be  irretrievably  lost.  Gen- 
ghis Khan  would  soon  obtain  complete  and  un- 
disputed possession  of  the  whole  of  it.  The 
proper  course  to  be  adopted,  they  said,  was  to 
remain  and  make  a  firm  stand  in  defense  of  the 
capital  and  of  the  country.  They  must  levy 
new  troops,  repair  the  fortifications,  recruit  the 
garrison,  and  lay  in.  supplies  of  food  and  of  oth- 
er military  stores,  and  thus  prepare  themselves 
for  a  vigorous  and  efficient  resistance  in  case 
the  enemy  should  return. 

But  the  emperor  could  not  be  persuaded.  He 
said  that  the  treasury  was  exhausted,  the  troops 
were  discouraged,  the  cities  around  the  capital 
were  destroyed,  and  the  whole  country  was  so 
depopulated  by  the  devastations  of  the  Monguls 
that  no  considerable  number  of  fresh  levies 
could  be  obtained ;  and  that,  consequently,  the 
only  safe  course  for  the  government  to  pursue 
was  to  retire  to  the  southward,  beyond  the  river. 
He  would,  however,  he  added,  leave  his  son. 
with  a  strong  garrison,  to  defend  the  capital. 

He  accordingly  took  with  him  a  few  favor- 
ites of  his  immediate  family  and  a  small  body 


1214.]      CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         207 


Revolt  of  the  guards.  The  siege  of  the  capital  renewed. 

of  troops,  and  commenced  his  journey — a  jour- 
ney which  was  considered  by  all  the  people  as 
a  base  and  ignoble  flight.  He  involved  him- 
self in  endless  troubles  by  this  step.  A  revolt 
broke  out  on  the  way  among  the  guards  who 
accompanied  him.  One  of  the  generals  who 
headed  the  revolt  sent  a  messenger  to  Genghis 
Khan  informing  him  of  the  emperor's  abandon- 
ment of  his  capital,  and  offering  to  go  over, 
with  all  the  troops  under  his  command,  to  the 
service  of  Genghis  Khan  if  Genghis  Khan  would 
receive  him. 

When  Genghis  Khan  heard  thus  of  the  re- 
treat of  the  emperor  from  his  capital,  he  was, 
or  pretended  to  be,  much  incensed.  He  con- 
sidered the  proceeding  as  in  some  sense  an  act 
of  hostility  against  himself,  and,  as  such,  an  in-  V 
fraction  of  the  treaty  and  a  renewal  of  the  war. 
So  he  immediately  ordered  one  of  his  leading 
generals — a  certain  chieftain  named  Mingan — 
to  proceed  southward  at  the  head  of  a  large 
army  and  lay  siege  to  Yen-king  again. 

The  old  emperor,  who  seems  now  to  have  lost 
all  spirit,  and  to  have  given  himself  up  entirely 
to  despondency  and  fear,  was  greatly  alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  his  son  the  prince,  whom  he 
had  left  in  command  at  Yen-king.  He  imme- 
diately sent  orders  to  his  son  to  leave  the  city 


208  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1214. 

Wan-yen  and  Mon-yen.  Their  perplexity.  Suicide  proposed. 


and  come  to  him.  The  departure  of  the  prince, 
in  obedience  to  these  orders,  of  course  threw  an 
additional  gloom  over  the  city,  and  excited  still 
more  the  general  discontent  which  the  emper- 
or's conduct  had  awakened. 

The  prince,  on  his  departure,  left  two  gener- 
als in  command  of  the  garrison.  Their  names 
were  Wan-yen  and  Mon-yen.  They  were  left 
to  defend  the  city  as  well  as  they  could  from 
the  army  of  Monguls  under  Mingan,  which  was 
now  rapidly  drawing  near.  The  generals  were 
greatly  embarrassed  and  perplexed  with  the 
difficulties  of  their  situation.  The  means  of  de- 
fense at  their  disposal  were  wholly  inadequate, 
and  they  knew  not  what  to  do. 

At  length  one  of  them,  Wan-yen,  proposed 
to  the  other  that  they  should  kill  themselves. 
This  Mon-yen  refused  to  do.  Mon-yen  was  the 
commander  on  whom  the  troops  chiefly  relied, 
and  he  considered  suicide  a  mode  of  deserting 
one's  post  scarcely  less  dishonorable  than  any 
other.  He  said  that  his  duty  was  to  stand  by 
his  troops,  and,  if  he  could  not  defend  them 
where  they  were,  to  endeavor  to  draw  them 
away,  while  there  was  an  opportunity,  to  a 
place  of  safety. 

So  Wan-yen,  finding  his  proposal  rejected, 
went  away  in  a  rage.  He  retired  to  his  apart- 


1214.]      CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         209 

Wan-yen  in  despair.  His  suicide.  Mon-yen's  plan. 

ment,  and  wrote  a  dispatch  to  the  emperor,  in 
which  he  explained  the  desperate  condition  of 
affairs,  and  the  impossibility  of  saving  the  city, 
and  in  the  end  declared  himself  deserving  of 
death  for  not  being  able  to  accomplish  the  work 
which  his  majesty  had  assigned  to  him. 

He  enveloped  and  sealed  this  dispatch,  and 
then,  calling  his  domestics  together,  he  divided 
among  them,  in  a  very  calm  and  composed 
manner,  all  his  personal  effects,  and  then  took 
leave  of  them  and  dismissed  them. 

A  single  officer  only  now  remained  with  him. 
In  the  presence  of  this  officer  he  wrote  a  few 
words,  and  then  sent  him  away.  As  soon  as 
the  officer  had  gone,  he  drank  a  cup  of  poison 
which  he  had  previously  ordered  to  be  pre- 
pared for  him,  and  in  a  few  minutes  was  a  life- 


In  the  mean  time,  the  other  general,  Mon-yen, 
had  been  making  preparations  to  leave  the  city. 
His  plan  was  to  take  with  him  such  troops  as 
might  be  serviceable  to  the  emperor,  but  to 
leave  all  the  inmates  of  the  palace,  as  well  as 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  to  their  fate.  Among 
the  people  of  the  palace  were,  it  seems,  a  num- 
ber of  the  emperor's  wives,  whom  he  had  left 
behind  at  the  time  of  his  own  flight,  he  having 
taken  with  him  at  that  time  only  a  few  of  the 
12—14 


210  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [12H 

Petition  of  the  wives.  Sacking  of  the  city  by  Mingan. 

more  favored  ones.  These  women  who  were 
left,  when  they  heard  that  Mon-yen  was  intend- 
ing to  abandon  the  city  with  a  view  of  joining 
the  emperor  in  the  south,  came  to  him  in  a 
body,  and  begged  him  to  take  them  with  him. 

In  order  to  relieve  himself  of  their  solicita- 
lions,  he  said  that  he  would  do  so,  but  he  added 
that  he  must  leave  the  city  himself  with  the 
guards  to  prepare  the  way,  and  that  he  would 
return  immediately  for  them.  They  were  sat- 
isfied with  this  promise,  and  returned  to  the 
palace  to  prepare  for  the  journey.  Mon-yen  at 
once  left  the  city,  and  very  soon  after  he  had 
gone,  Mingan,  the  Mongul  general,  arrived  at 
the  gates,  and,  meeting  with  no  effectual  resist- 
ance, he  easily  forced  his  way  in,  and  a  scene 
of  universal  terror  and  confusion  ensued.  The 
soldiers  spread  themselves  over  the  city  in 
search  of  plunder,  and  killed  all  who  came  in 
their  way.  They  plundered  the  palace  and 
then  set  it  on  fire.  So  extensive  was  the  edi 
fice,  and  so  vast  were  the  stores  of  clothing  and 
other  valuables  which  it  contained,  even  after 
all  the  treasures  which  could  be  made  available 
to  the  conquerors  had  been  taken  away,  that 
the  fire  continued  to  burn  among  the  ruins  for 
a  month  or  more. 

What  became  of  the  unhappy  women  who 


1214.]     CONQUESTS  IN  CHINA.         211 


were  so  cruelly  deceived  by  Mon-yen  in  re- 
spect to  their  hopes  of  escape  does  not  directly 
appear.  They  doubtless  perished  with  the 
other  inhabitants  of  the  city  in  the  general 
massacre.  Soldiers  at  such  a  time,  while  en- 
gaged in  the  sack  and  plunder  of  a  city,  are  al- 
ways excited  to  a  species  of  insane  fury,  and 
take  a  savage  delight  in  thrusting  their  pikes 
into  all  that  come  in  their  way. 

Mon-yen  excused  himself,  when  he  arrived 
at  the  quarters  of  the  emperor,  for  having  thus 
abandoned  the  women  to  their  fate  by  the  al- 
leged impossibility  of  saving  them.  He  could 
not  have  succeeded,  he  said,  in  effecting  his 
own  retreat  and  that  of  the  troops  who  went 
with  him  if  he  had  been  encumbered  in  his 
movements  by  such  a  company  of  women. 
The  emperor  accepted  this  excuse,  and  seem- 
ed to  be  satisfied  with  it,  though,  not  long  aft- 
erward, Mon-yen  was  accused  of  conspiracy 
against  the  emperor  and  was  put  to  death. 

Mingan  took  possession  of  the  imperial  treas- 
ury, where  he  found  great  stores  of  silk,  and 
also  of  gold  and  silver  plate.  All  these  things 
he  sent  to  Genghis  Khan,  who  remained  still  at 
the  north  at  a  grand  encampment  which  he  had 
made  in  Tartary. 

After  this,  other  campaigns  were  fought  by 


212  GKXGIIIS  KHAX.  [1216. 

Conquests  extended.  Governors  appointed. 

Genghis  Khan  in  China,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  extended  his  conquests  still  farther  to  the 
southward,  and  made  himself  master  of  a  very- 
great  extent  of  country.  After  confirming 
these  conquests,  he  selected  from  among  such 
Chinese  officers  as  were  disposed  to  enter  into 
his  service  suitable  persons  to  be  appointed 
governors  of  the  provinces,  and  in  this  way 
annexed  them  to  his  dominions ;  these  officers 
thus  transferring  their  allegiance  from  the  em- 
peror to  him,  and  covenanting  to  send  to  him 
the  tribute  which  they  should  annually  collect 
from  their  respective  dominions.  Every  thing 
being  thus  settled  in  this  quarter,  Genghis  Khan 
next  turned  his  attention  to  the  western  front- 
iers of  his  empire,  where  the  Tartar  and  Mon- 
gul  territory  bordered  on  Turkestan  and  the 
dominions  of  the  Mohammedans. 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     213 

Mohammedan  countries  on  the  west  Sultan  Mohammed. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED. 

THE  portion  of  China  which  Genghis  Khan 
had  added  to  his  dominions  by  the  con- 
quests described  in  the  last  chapter  was  called 
Katay,  and  the  possession  of  it,  added  to  the 
extensive  territories  which  were  previously  un- 
der his  sway,  made  his  empire  very  vast.  The 
country  which  he  now  held,  either  under  his 
direct  government,  or  as  tributary  provinces  and 
kingdoms,  extended  north  and  south  through 
the  whole  interior  of  Asia,  and  from  the  shores 
of  the  Japan  ana  China  Seas  on  the  east,  near- 
ly to  the  Caspian  Sea  on  the  west,  a  distance 
of  nearly  three  thousand  miles. 

Beyond  his  western  limits  lay  Turkestan  and 
other  countries  governed  by  the  Mohammed- 
ans. Among  the  other  Mohammedan  princes 
there  was  a  certain  Sultan  Mohammed,  a  great 
and  very  powerful  sovereign,  who  reigned  over 
an  extensive  region  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Caspian  Sea,  though  the  principal  seat  of 
his  power  was  a  country  called  Karazm.  He 


214  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

Karazra.  Proposed  embassy.  Makinut  and  his  suit* 

was,  in  consequence,  sometimes  styled  Moham- 
med Karazm. 

It  might  perhaps  have  been  expected  that 
Genghis  Khan,  having  subdued  all  the  rivals 
within  his  reach  in  the  eastern  part  of  Asia, 
and  being  strong  and  secure  in  the  possession 
of  his  power,  would  have  found  some  pretext 
for  making  war  upon  the  sultan,  with  a  view 
of  conquering  his  territories  too,  and  adding  the 
countries  bordering  on  the  Caspian  to  his  do- 
minions. But,  for  some  reason  or  other,  he 
concluded,  in  this  instance,  to  adopt  a  different 
policy.  Whether  it  was  that  he  was  tired  of 
war  and  wished  for  repose,  or  whether  the  sul- 
tan's dominions  were  too  remote,  or  his  power 
too  great  to  make  it  prudent  to  attack  him,  he 
determined  on  sending  an  embassy  instead  of 
an  army,  with  a  view  of  proposing  to  the  sul- 
tan a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance. 

The  time  when  this  embassy  was  sent  was 
in  the  year  1217,  and  the  name  of  the  principal 
embassador  was  Makinut. 

Makinut  set  out  on  his  mission  accompanied 
by  a  large  retinue  of  attendants  and  guards. 
The  journey  occupied  several  weeks,  but  at 
length  he  arrived  in  the  sultan's  dominions. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  he  was  admitted  to  an 
audience  of  the  sultan,  and  there,  accompanied 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.    215 

Speech  of  the  embassador.  Father  and  sou. 

by  his  own  secretaries,  and  in  the  presence  of 
all  the  chief  officers  of  the  sultan's  court,  he  de- 
livered his  message. 

He  gave  an  account  in  his  speech  of  the  re- 
cent victories  which  his  sovereign,  Genghis 
Khan,  had  won,  and  of  the  great  extension 
which  his  empire  had  in  consequence  attained. 
He  was  now  become  master,  he  said,  of  all  the 
countries  of  Central  Asia,  from  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  the  continent  up  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  sultan's  dominions,  and  having  thus  become 
the  sultan's  neighbor,  he  was  desirous  of  enter- 
ing into  a  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance  with 
him,  which  would  be  obviously  for  the  mutual 
interest  of  both.  He  had  accordingly  been  sent 
an  embassador  to  the  sultan's  court  to  propose 
such  an  alliance.  In  offering  it,  the  emperor, 
he  said,  was  actuated  by  a  feeling  of  the  sin- 
cerest  good- will.  He  wished  the  sultan  to  con- 
sider him  as  a  father,  and  he  would  look  upon 
the  sultan  as  a  son. 

According  to  the  patriarchal  ideas  of  gov- 
ernment which  prevailed  in  those  days,  the  re- 
lation of  father  to  son  involved  not  merely  the 
idea  of  a  tie  of  affection  connecting  an  older 
with  a  younger  person,  but  it  implied  some- 
thing of  pre-eminence  and  authority  on  the  one 
part,  and  dependence  and  subjection  on  the 


216  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

The  sultan  not  pleased.  Private  interview.  Conversation. 

other.  Perhaps  Genghis  Khan  did  not  mean 
his  proposition  to  be  understood  in  this  sense, 
but  made  it  solely  in  reference  to  the  disparity 
between  his  own  and  the  sultan's  years,  for  he 
was  himself  now  becoming  considerably  ad- 
vanced in  life.  However  this  may  be,  the  sul- 
tan was  at  first  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  prop- 
osition in  the  form  in  which  the  embassador 
made  it. 

He,  however,  listened  quietly  to  Makinut's 
words,  and  said  nothing  until  the  public  au- 
dience was  ended.  He  then  took  Makinut 
alone  into  another  apartment  in  order  to  have 
some  quiet  conversation  with  him.  He  first 
asked  him  to  tell  him  the  exact  state  of  the 
case  in  respect  to  all  the  pretended  victories 
which  Genghis  Khan  had  gained,  and,  in  order 
to  propitiate  him  and  induce  him  to  reveal  the 
honest  truth,  he  made  him  a  present  of  a  rich 
scarf,  splendidly  adorned  with  jewels. 

"How  is  it?"  said  he;  "has  the  emperor  re- 
ally made  all  those  conquests,  and  is  his  empire 
as  extensive  and  powerful  as  he  pretends  ?  Tell 
me  the  honest  truth  about  it." 

"  What  I  have  told  your  majesty  is  the  hon- 
est truth  about  it,"  replied  Makinut.  "My 
master  the  emperor  is  as  powerful  as  I  have 
represented  him,  and  this  your  majesty  will 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     217 

Anger  of  the  sultan.  Makinut  returns  a  soft  answer. 

soon  find  out  in  case  you  come  to  have  any  dif- 
ficulty with  him." 

This  bold  and  defiant  language  on  the  part 
of  the  embassador  greatly  increased  the  irrita- 
tion which  the  sultan  felt  before.  He  seemed 
much  incensed,  and  replied  in  a  very  angry 
manner. 

"  I  know  not  what  your  master  means,"  said 
he,  "by  sending  such  messages  to  me,  telling 
me  of  the  provinces  that  he  has  conquered,  and 
boasting  of  his  power,  or  upon  what  ground  he 
pretends  to  be  greater  than  I,  and  expects  that 
I  shall  honor  him  as  my  father,  and  be  content 
to  be  treated  by  him  only  as  his  son.  Is  he  so 
very  great  a  personage  as  this?" 

Makinut  now  found  that  perhaps  he  had 
spoken  a  little  too  plainly,  and  he  began  imme- 
diately to  soften  and  modify  what  he  had  said, 
and  to  compliment  the  sultan  himself,  who,  as 
he  was  well  aware,  was  really  superior  in  pow- 
er and  glory  to  Genghis  Khan,  notwithstanding 
the  great  extension  to  which  the  empire  of  the 
latter  had  recently  attained.  He  also  begged 
that  the  sultan  would  not  be  angry  with  him 
for  delivering  the  message  with  which  he  had 
been  intrusted.  He  was  only  a  servant,  he  said, 
and  he  was  bound  to  obey  the  orders  of  his 
master.  He  assured  the  sultan,  moreover,  that 


218  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

The  sultan  is  appeased.  Treaty  made. 

if  auy  unfavorable  construction  could  by  possi- 
bility be  put  upon  the  language  which  the  em- 
peror had  used,  no  such  meaning  was  designed 
on  his  part,  but  that  in  sending  the  embassage, 
and  in  every  thing  connected  with  it,  the  em- 
peror had  acted  with  the  most  friendly  and  hon- 
orable intentions. 

By  means  of  conciliating  language  like  this 
the  sultan  was  at  length  appeased,  and  he  final 
ly  was  induced  to  agree  to  every  thing  which 
the  embassador  proposed.  A  treaty  of  peace 
and  commerce  was  drawn  up  and  signed,  and, 
after  every  thing  was  concluded,  Makinut  re- 
turned to  the  Mongul  country  loaded  with  pres- 
ents, some  of  which  were  for  himself  and  his 
attendants,  and  others  were  for  Genghis  Khan. 

He  was  accompanied,  too,  by  a  caravan  of 
merchants,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  new 
treaty,  were  going  into  the  country  of  Genghis 
Khan  with  their  goods,  to  see  what  they  could 
do  in  the  new  market  thus  opened  to  them. 
This  caravan  traveled  in  company  with  Maki- 
nut on  his  return,  in  order  to  avail  themselves 
of  the  protection  which  the  guard  that  attend- 
ed him  could  afford  in  passing  through  the 
intervening  countries.  These  countries  being 
filled  with  hordes  of  Tartars,  who  were  very 
Uttle  under  the  dominion  of  law,  it  would  have 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     219 

Genghis  Khan  is  pleased.  Opening  of  the  trade. 

been  unsafe  for  a  caravan  of  rich  merchandise 
to  pass  through  them  without  an  escort. 

Genghis  Khan  was  greatly  pleased  with  the 
result  of  his  embassy.  He  was  also  much  grat- 
ified with  the  presents  that  the  sultan  had  sent 
him,  which  consisted  of  costly  stuffs  for  gar- 
ments, beautiful  and  highly-wrought  arms,  pre- 
cious stones,  and  other  similar  articles.  He  wel- 
comed the  merchants  too,  and  opened  facilities 
for  them  to  travel  freely  throughout  his  domin- 
ions and  dispose  of  their  goods. 

In  order  that  future  caravans  might  go  and 
come  at  all  times  in  safety,  he  established 
guards  along  the  roads  between  his  country 
and  that  of  the  sultan.  These  guards  occupied 
fortresses  built  at  convenient  places  along  the 
way,  and  especially  at  the  crossing-places  on 
the  rivers,  and  in  the  passes  of  the  mountains ; 
and  there  orders  were  given  to  these  guards  to 
scour  the  country  in  every  direction  around 
their  respective  posts,  in  order  to  keep  it  clear 
of  robbers.  Whenever  a  band  of  robbers  was 
formed,  the  soldiers  hunted  them  from  one  lurk 
ing-place  to  another  until  they  were  extermin- 
ated. In  this  way,  after  a  short  time,  the  coun- 
try became  perfectly  safe,  and  the  caravans  of 
merchants  could  go  and  come  with  the  richest 
goods,  and  even  with  treasures  of  g^pkl  and  sil 
ver,  without  any  fear. 


220  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217 

The  exorbitant  merchants.  Their  punishment 

At  first,  it  would  seem,  some  of  the  merchants 
fror^the  countries  of  Mohammed  asked  too 
much  for  their  goods.  At  least  a  story  is  told 
of  a  company  who  came  very  soon  after  the 
opening  of  the  treaty,  and  who  offered  their 
goods  first  to  Genghis  Khan  himself,  but  they 
asked  such  high  prices  for  them  that  he  was 
astonished. 

"I  suppose,"  said  he,  "by  your  asking  such 
prices  as  these,  you  imagine  that  I  have  never 
bought  any  goods  before." 

He  then  took  them  to  see  his  treasures,  and 
showed  them  over  a  thousand  large  chests  fill- 
ed with  valuables  of  every  description ;  gold 
and  silver  utensils,  .rich  silks,  arms  and  accou- 
trements splendidly  adorned  with  precious 
stones,  and  other  such  commodities.  He  told 
them  that  he  showed  them  these  things  in  order 
that  they  might  see  that  he  had  had  some  ex- 
perience in  respect  to  dealings  in  merchandise 
of  that  sort  before,  and  knew  something  of  its 
just  value.  And  that,  since  they  had  been  so 
exorbitant  in  their  demands,  presuming  prob- 
ably upon  the  ignorance  of  those  whom  they 
came  to  deal  with,  he  should  send  them  back 
with  all  their  goods,  and  not  allow  them  to  sell 
them  any  where  in  his  dominions,  at  any  price. 

This  threat  he  put  in  execution.     The  mer« 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     223 


The  next  company. 


chants  were  obliged  to  go  back  without  selling 
any  of  their  goods  at  all. 

The  next  company  of  merchants  that  came, 
having  heard  of  the  adventure  of  the  others, 
determined  to  act  on  a  different  principle.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  they  came  into  the  presence  of 
the  khan  with  their  goods,  and  he  asked  them 
the  prices  of  some  of  them,  they  replied  that 
his  majesty  might  himself  fix  the  price  of  the 
articles,  as  he  was  a  far  better  judge  of  the 
value  of  such  things  than  they  were.  Indeed, 
they  added  that  if  his  majesty  chose  to  take 
them  without  paying  any  thing  at  all  he  was 
welcome  to  do  so. 

This  answer  pleased  the  emperor  very  much. 
He  paid  them  double  price  for  the  articles 
which  he  selected  from  their  stores,  and  he 
granted  them  peculiar  privileges  in  respect  to 
trading  with  his  subjects  while  they  remained 
in  his  dominions. 

The  trade  which  was  thus  opened  between 
the  dominions  of  the  sultan  and  those  of  Gen- 
ghis Khan  was  not,  however,  wholly  in  the 
hands  of  merchants  coming  from  the  former 
country.  Soon  after  the  coming  of  the  caravan 
last  mentioned,  Genghis  Khan  fitted  out  a  com- 
pany of  merchants  from  his  own  country,  who 
were  to  go  into  the  country  of  the  sultan,  tak- 


224  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [121?, 

Genghis  Khan  fits  out  a  company.        Embaspadors.         Mohammedans. 

ing  with  them  such  articles,  the  products  of  the 
country  of  the  Monguls,  as  they  might  hope  to 
find  a  market  for  there.  There  were  four  prin- 
cipal merchants,  but  they  were  attended  by  a 
great  number  of  assistants,  servants,  camel  - 
drivers,  etc.,  so  that  the  whole  company  formed 
quite  a  large  caravan.  Genghis  Khan  sent  with 
them  three  embassadors,  who  were  to  present, 
to  the  sultan  renewed  assurances  of  the  friendly 
feelings  which  he  entertained  for  him,  and  of 
his  desire  to  encourage  and  promote  as  much 
as  possible  the  commercial  intercourse  between 
the  two  countries  which  had  been  so  happily 
begun. 

The  three  embassadors  whom  Genghis  Khan 
selected  for  this  service  were  themselves  Mo- 
hammedans. He  had  several  persons  of  this 
faith  among  the  officers  of  his  court,  although 
the  Monguls  had  a  national  religion  of  their 
own,  which  was  very  different  from  that  of  the 
Mohammedans;  still,  all  forms  of  worship  were 
tolerated  in  Genghis  Khan's  dominions,  and  the 
emperor  was  accustomed  to  take  good  officers 
into  his  service  wherever  he  could  find  them, 
without  paying  any  regard  to  the  nature  of 
their  religious  belief  so  far  as  their  general  du- 
ties were  concerned.  But  now,  in  sending  this 
deputation  to  the  sultan,  he  selected  the  embas- 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     225 

Messengers  from  the  court.  Large  party. 

sadors  from  among  the  Mohammedans  at  his 
court,  thinking  that  it  would  please  the  sultan 
better  to  receive  his  message  through  persons 
of  his  own  religious  faith.  Besides,  the  three 
persons  whom  he  appointed  were  natives  of 
Turkestan,  and  they  were,  of  course,  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  language  of  the  country  and 
with  the  country  itself. 

Besides  the  merchants  and  the  embassadors, 
Genghis  Khan  gave  permission  to  each  of  his 
wives,  and  also  to  each  of  the  great  lords  of  his 
court,  to  send  a  servant  or  messenger  with  the 
caravan,  to  select  and  purchase  for  their  mas- 
ters and  mistresses  whatever  they  might  find 
most  curious  or  useful  in  the  Mohammedan 
cities  which  the  caravan  might  visit.  The 
lords  and  ladies  were  all  very  glad  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  opportunity  thus  afforded 
them. 

All  these  persons,  the  embassadors  and  their 
suite,  the  merchants  and  their  servants,  and  the 
special  messengers  sent  by  the  lords  and  ladies 
of  the  court,  formed,  as  may  well  be  supposed, 
a  very  numerous  company.  It  is  said  that  the 
caravan,  when  ready  to  commence  its  march, 
contained  no  less  than  four  hundred  and  fifty 
persons. 

Every  thing  being  at  last  made  ready,  the 
12—15 


226  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [121 /. 

Roads  doubly  guarded.  The  Calif  of  Bagdad, 

caravan  set  out  on  its  long  journey.  It  was 
accompanied  by  a  suitable  escort,  and,  in  order 
to  provide  still  more  effectually  for  the  safety 
of  the  rich  merchandise  and  the  valuable  lives 
committed  to  it,  Genghis  Khan  sent  on  orders 
beforehand  to  all  the  military  stations  on  the 
way,  directing  the  captains  to  double  the  guard 
on  their  respective  sections  of  the  road  while 
the  caravan  was  passing. 

By  means  of  these  and  other  similar  precau- 
tions the  expedition  accomplished  the  journey 
in  safety,  and  arrived  without  any  misfortune 
in  the  Mohammedan  country.  Very  serious 
misfortunes,  however,  awaited  them  there  im- 
mediately after  their  arrival,  arising  out  of  a 
train  of  events  which  Lad  been  for  some  time 
in  progress,  and  which  I  must  now  go  back  a 
little  to  describe. 

It  seems  that  some  difference  had  arisen 
some  time  before  this  between  the  Sultan  Mo- 
hammed and  the  Calif  of  Bagdad,  who  was  the 
great  head  of  the  Mohammedan  power.  Mo- 
hammed applied  to  the  calif  to  grant  him  cer- 
tain privileges  and  powers  which  had  occasion- 
ally been  bestowed  on  other  sultans  who  had 
rendered  great  services  to  the  Mohammedan 
empire.  He  claimed  that  he  had  merited  these 
rewards  by  the  services  which  he  had  rendered. 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.      227 

Mohammed's  demand  and  the  calif's  reply.    The  sultan  calls  a  council. 

He  had  conquered,  he  said,  more  than  one 
hundred  princes  and  chieftains,  and  had  cut  off 
their  heads  and  annexed  their  territories  to  his 
dominions,  thus  greatly  enlarging  and  extend- 
ing the  Mohammedan  power. 

Mohammed  made  this  demand  of  the  calif 
through  the  medium  of  an  embassador  whom 
he  sent  to  Bagdad.  The  calif,  after  hearing 
what  the  embassador  had  to  say,  refused  to 
pomply.  He  said  that  the  services  which  Mo- 
hammed had  rendered  were  not  of  sufficient 
importance  and  value  to  merit  the  honors  and 
privileges  which  Mohammed  demanded.  But, 
although  he  thus  declined  complying  with  Mo- 
hammed's request,  he  showed  a  disposition  to 
treat  the  sultan  himself  with  all  proper  defer- 
ence by  sending  an  embassador  of  his  own  to 
accompany  Mohammed's  embassador  on  his  re- 
turn, with  instructions  to  communicate  the  re- 
ply which  the  calif  felt  bound  to  make  in  a 
respectful  and  courteous  manner. 

Mohammed  received  the  calif's  embassador 
very  honorably,  and  in  his  presence  concealed 
the  anger  which  the  answer  of  the  calif  excited 
in  his  mind.  As  soon  as  the  embassador  was 
gone,  however,  he  convened  a  grand  council  of 
all  the  great  chieftains,  and  generals,  and  min- 
isters of  state  in  his  dominions,  and  announced 


228  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

Mohammed's  plan  for  revenge.  March  of  the  army.  Failure. 

to  them  his  determination  to  raise  an  army  and 
march  to  Bagdad,  with  a  view  of  deposing  the 
calif  and  reigning  in  his  stead.  The  great  per- 
sonages assembled  at  the  council  were  very 
ready  to  enter  into  this  scheme,  for  they  knew 
that  if  it  was  successful  there  would  be  a  great 
many  honors  and  a  great  deal  of  booty  that 
would  fall  to  their  share  in  the  final  distribu- 
tion of  the  spoil.  Se  they  all  engaged  with 
great  zeal  in  aiding  the  sultan  to  form  and 
equip  his  army.  In  due  time  the  expedition 
was  ready,  and  the  sultan  commenced  his 
march.  But,  as  often  happens  in  such  cases, 
the  preparations  had  been  hindered  by  various 
causes  of  delay,  and  it  was  too  late  in  the  sea- 
son when  the  army  began  to  move.  The  forces 
moved  slowly,  too,  after  they  commenced  their 
march,  so  that  the  winter  came  on  while  they 
were  among  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  The 
winter  was  unusually  severe,  and  the  troops 
suffered  so  much  from  the  frosts  and  t^e  rains, 
and  from  the  various  hardships  to  which  they 
were  in  consequence  exposed,  that  the  sultan 
found  it  impossible  to  go  on.  He  was  con- 
sequently obliged  to  return,  and  begin  his 
work  over  again.  And  the  worst  of  it  was, 
that  the  calif  was  now  aware  of  his  designs, 
and  would  be  able,  he  knew,  before  the  next 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     229 

The  calif's  plans.  Objections  to  them. 

season,  to  take  effectual  measures  to  defend 
himself. 

When  the  calif  heard  of  the  misfortunes 
which  had  befallen  the  sultan's  army,  and  his 
narrow  escape  from  the  dangers  of  a  formida- 
ble invasion,  he  was  at  first  overjoyed,  and  he 
resolved  at  once  on  making  war  upon  the  re- 
bellious sultan.  In  forming  his  plans  for  the 
campaign,  the  idea  occurred  to  him  of  endeav- 
oring to  incite  Genghis  Khan  to  invade  the 
sultan's  dominions  from  the  east  while  he  him- 
self attacked  him  from  the  west ;  for  Bagdad, 
the  capital  of  the  calif,  was  to  the  westward  of 
the  sultan's  country,  as  the  empire  of  the  Mon- 
guls  was  to  the  eastward  of  it. 

But  when  the  calif  proposed  his  plan  to  his 
counselors,  some  of  them  objected  to  it  very 
strenuously.  The  sultan  and  the  people  of  his 
country  were,  like  the  calif  himself,  Mohammed- 
ans, while  the  Monguls  were  of  another  relig- 
ion altogether,  or,  as  the  Mohammedans  called 
them,  unbelievers  or  infidels ;  and  the  counsel- 
ors who  objected  to  the  calif's  proposal  said 
that  it  would  be  very  wrong  to  bring  the  ene- 
mies of  God  into  the  country  of  the  faithful  to 
guard  against  a  present  and  temporary  danger, 
and  thereby,  perhaps,  in  the  end  occasion  the 
ruin  both  of  the'r  religion  and  their  empire. 


230  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

Arguments  of  the  calit  Message  to  Genghis  Khan. 

It  would  be  an  impious  deed,  they  thought,  thus 
to  bring  in  a  horde  of  barbarian  infidels  to  wage 
war  with  them  against  their  brethren. 

To  this  the  calif  replied  that  the  emergency 
was  so  critical  that  they  were  justified  in  avail- 
ing themselves  of  any  means  that  offered  to  save 
themselves  from  the  ruin  with  which  they  were 
threatened.  And  as  to  the  possibility  that  Gen- 
ghis Khan,  if  admitted  to  the  country  as  their 
ally,  would  in  the  end  turn  his  arms  against 
them,  he  said  that  they  must  watch,  and  take 
measures  to  guard  against  such  a  danger.  Be- 
sides, he  would  rather  have  an  open  unbeliever 
like  Genghis  Khan  for  a  foe,  than  a  Moham- 
medan traitor  and  rebel  like  the  sultan,'K  He 
added,  moreover,  that  he  did  not  believe  that 
the  Mongul  emperor  felt  any  animosity  or  ill 
will  against  the  Mohammedans  or  against  their 
faith.  It  was  evident,  indeed,  that  he  did  not, 
for  he  had  a  great  many  Mohammedans  in  his 
dominions,  and  he  allowed  them  to  live  there 
without  molestation.  He  even  had  "Moham- 
medan officers  of  very  high  rank  in  his  court. 

So  it  was  finally  decided  to  send  a  message 
and  invite  him  to  join  the  calif  in  making  war 
on  the  sultan. 

The  difficulty  was  now  to  contrive  some 
means  by  which  this  message  could  be  con- 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     231 


The  answer  of  Genghis  Khan. 


veyed  through  the  sultan's  territories,  which, 
of  course,  lay  between  the  dominions  of  the  ca- 
lif and  those  of  Genghis  Khan.  To  accomplish 
this  purpose  the  calif  resorted  to  a  very  singu- 
lar device.  Instead  of  writing  his  communica- 
tion in  a  letter,  he  caused  it  to  be  pricked  with 
a  needle  and  some  indigo,  by  a  sort  of  tattooing 
process,  upon  the  messenger's  head,  in  such  a 
manner  that  it  was  concealed  by  his  hair.  The 
messenger  was  then  disguised  as  a  countryman 
and  sent  forth.  He  succeeded  in  accomplish- 
ing the  journey  in  safety,  and  when  he  arrived 
Genghis  Khan  had  only  to  cause  his  head  to  be 
shaved,  when  the  inscription  containing  the  ca- 
lif's proposal  to  him  at  once  became  legible. 

This  method  of  making  the  communication 
was  considered  very  safe,  for  even  if,  from  any 
accident,  the  man  had  been  intercepted  on  the 
way,  on  suspicion  of  his  being  a  messenger,  the 
sultan's  men  would  have  found  nothing,  in 
searching  him,  to  confirm  their  suspicions,  for 
it  is  not*at  all  probable  that  they  would  have 
thought  of  looking  for  a  letter  among  his  hair. 

Genghis  Khan  was  well  pleased  to  receive 
the  proposals  of  the  calif,  but  he  sent  back  word 
in  reply  that  he  could  not  at  present  engage  in 
any  hostile  movement  against  the  sultan  on  ac- 
count of  the  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce 


232  GEXGIIIS  KHAX.  [1217. 


The  caravan  arrives  at  Otrar. 


which  he  had  recently  established  with  him. 
So  long  as  the  sultan  observed  the  stipulations 
of  the  treaty,  he  felt  bound  in  honor,  he  said, 
not  to  break  it.  He  knew,  however,  he  added, 
that  the  restless  spirit  of  the  sultan  would  not 
long  allow  things  to  remain  in  the  posture  they 
were  then  in,  and  that  on  the  first  occasion  giv- 
en he  would  not  fail  to  declare  war  against  him. 

Things  were  in  this  state  when  the  grand 
caravan  of  merchants  and  embassadors  which 
Genghis  Khan  had  sent  arrived  at  the  frontiers 
of  the  sultan's  dominions. 

After  passing  the  frontier,  the  first  important 
place  which  they  reached  was  a  city  called 
Otrar.  They  were  received  very  courteously 
by  the  governor  of  this  place,  and  were  much 
pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  them  to 
rest  from  the  fatigues  of  their  long  journey.  It 
seems,  however,  after  all,  that  the  governor's 
friendship  for  his  guests  was  only  pretended, 
for  he  immediately  wrote  to  the  sultan,  inform- 
ing him  that  a  party  of  persons  had  arrived  at 
his  city  from  the  Mongul  country  who  pretend- 
ed to  be  merchants  and  embassadors,  but  that 
he  believed  that  they  were  spies,  for  they  were 
extremely  inquisitive  about  the  strength  of  the 
garrisons  and  the  state  of  the  defenses  of  the 
country  generally.  He  had  no  doubt,  he  add- 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     233 

Tbe  governor's  treachery.  The  party  massacred. 

ed,  that  they  were  emissaries  sent  by  Genghis 
Khan  to  find  out  the  best  way  of  invading  his 
dominions. 

One  account  states  that  the  motive  which  in- 
duced the  governor  to  make  these  representa- 
tions to  the  sultan  was  some  offense  which  he 
took  at  the  familiar  manner  in  which  he  was 
addressed  b}^  one  of  the  embassadors,  who  was 
a  native  of  Otrar,  and  had  known  the  governor 
in  former  times  when  he  was  a  private  person. 
Another  says  that  his  object  was  to  have  the 
expedition  broken  up,  in  order  that  he  might 
seize  for  himself  the  rich  merchandise  and  the 
valuable  presents  which  the  merchants  and  em- 
bassadors had  in  their  possession. 

At  any  rate,  he  wrote  to  the  sultan  denounc- 
ing the  whole  party  as  foreign  emissaries  and 
spies,  and  in  a  short  time  he  received  a  reply 
from  the  sultan  directing  him  to  put  them  all 
to  death,  or  otherwise  to  deal  with  them  as  he 
thought  proper.  So  he  invited  the  whole  party 
to  a  grand  entertainment  in  his  palace,  and 
then,  at  a  given  signal,  probably  after  most  of 
them  had  become  in  some  measure  helpless 
from  the  influence  of  the  wine,  a  body  of  his 
guards  rushed  in  and  massacred  them  all. 

Or,  rather,  they  attempted  to  massacre  them 
all,  but  one  of  the  merchants'  men  contrived  in 


234  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

Genghis  Khan  hears  the  tidings.  He  declare.-  war. 

the  confusion  to  make  his  escape.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  back  into  the  Mongul  coun- 
try, where  he  reported  what  had  happened  to 
Genghis  Khan. 

Genghis  Khan  was  greatly  exasperated  when 
he  heard  these  tidings.  He  immediately  called 
together  his  sons,  and  all  the  great  lords  and 
chieftains  of  his  court,  and  recited  to  them  the 
story  of  the  massacre  of  the  merchants  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  fill  their  hearts  with  indigna- 
tion and  rage,  and  to  inspire  them  all  with  a 
burning  thirst  for  revenge. 

He  also  immediately  sent  word  to  the  sul- 
tan that,  since  by  so  infamous  an  action  he  had 
violated  all  the  engagements  which  had  sub- 
sisted between  them,  he,  from  that  instant,  de- 
clared himself  his  mortal  enemy,  and  would 
take  vengeance  upon  him  for  his  treacherous- 
ness  and  cruelty  by  ravaging  his  country  with 
fire  and  sword. 

This  message  was  sent,  it  was  said,  by  three 
embassadors,  whose  persons  ought  to  have  been 
considered  sacred,  according  to  every  principle 
of  international  law.  But  the  sultan,  as  soon 
as  they  had  delivered  their  message,  ordered 
their  heads  to  be  cut  off. 

This  new  massacre  excited  the  rage  and  fury 
of  Genghis  Khan  to  a  higher  pitch  than  ever. 


1217.]  THE  SULTAN  MOHAMMED.     235 


Preparations. 


For  three  days,  it  is  said,  he  neither  ate  nor 
slept,  and  seemed  almost  beside  himself  with 
mingled  vexation,  grief,  and  anger.  And  after- 
ward he  busied  himself  night  and  day  with  the 
arrangements  for  assembling  his  army  and  pre- 
paring to  march,  and  he  allowed  himself  no 
rest  until  every  thing  was  ready. 


236  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1217. 

Marshaling  of  the  army  Arms  and  armor. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SULTAN. 

ENGHIS  KHAN  made  his  preparations 
for  a  war  on  an  immense  scale.  He  sent 
messengers  in  every  direction  to  all  the  princes, 
khans,  governors,  and  other  chieftains  through- 
out his  empire,  with  letters  explaining  to  them 
the  cause  of  the  war,  and  ordering  them  to  re- 
pair to  the  places  of  rendezvous  which  he  ap- 
pointed, with  all  the  troops  that  they  could 
raise. 

He  gave  particular  directions  in  respect  to 
the  manner  in  which  the  men  were  to  be  arm- 
ed and  equipped.  The  arms  required  were  the 
sabre,  the  bow,  with  a  quiver  full  of  arrows, 
and  the  battle-axe.  Each  soldier  was  also  to 
carry  a  rope,  ropes  and  cordage  being  contin- 
ually in  demand  among  people  living  on  horse- 
back and  in  tents. 

The  officers  were  to  wear  armor  as  well  as  to 
carry  arms.  Those  who  could  afford  it  were 
to  provide  themselves  with  a  complete  coat  of 
mail.  The  rest  were  to  wear  helmets  and 


1218.]  WAR  WITH  THE  SULTAN.      237 


Provision  for  contingencies. 


breast-plates  only.  The  horses  were  also  to  be 
protected  as  far  as  possible  by  breast-plates,  ei- 
ther of  iron,  or  of  leather  thick  and  tough 
snough  to  prevent  an  arrow  from  penetrating. 

When  the  troops  thus  called  for  appeared  at 
the  place  of  rendezvous  appointed  for  them, 
Genghis  Khan  found,  as  is  said,  that  he  had  an 
army  of  seven  hundred  thousand  men ! 

The  army  being  thus  assembled,  Genghis 
Khan  caused  certain  rules  and  regulations,  or 
articles  of  war,  as  they  might  be  called,  to  be 
drawn  up  and  promulgated  to  the  troops.  One 
of  the  rules  was  that  no  body  of  troops  were 
ever  to  retreat  without  first  fighting,  whatever 
the  imminence  of  the  danger  might  be.  He 
also  ordered  that  where  a  body  of  men  were 
engaged,  if  any  subordinate  division  of  them, 
as  one  company  in  a  regiment,  or  one  regiment 
in  a  battalion,  should  break  ranks  and  fly  be- 
fore the  order  for  a  retreat  should  have  been 
given  by  the  proper  authority,  the  rest  were  to 
leave  fighting  the  enemy,  and  attack  the  por- 
tion flying,  and  kill  them  all  upon  the  spot. 

The  emperor  also  made  formal  provision  for 
the  event  of  his  dying  in  the  course  of  the  cam- 
paign. In  this  case  a  grand  assembly  of  all 
the  khans  and  chieftains  of  the  empire  was  to 
be  convened,  and  then,  in  the  presence  of  these 


238  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1218. 

The  army  commences  its  march.  Jughi's  dlriaion. 

khans  and  of  his  sons,  the  constitution  and  laws 
of  the  empire,  as  he  had  established  them,  were 
to  be  read,  and  after  the  reading  the  assembly 
were  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  a  new  khan, 
according  to  the  forms  which  the  constitution 
had  provided. 

After  all  these  affairs  had  been  arranged, 
Genghis  Khan  put  his  army  in  motion.  He 
was  obliged,  of  course,  to  separate  it  into  sev- 
eral grand  divisions,  and  to  send  the  several  di- 
visions forward  by  different  roads,  and  through 
different  sections  of  the  country.  So  large  a 
body  can  never  be  kept  together  on  a  long 
march,  on  account  of  the  immense  quantity  of 
food  that  is  required,  both  for  the  horses  and 
the  men,  and  which  must  be  supplied  in  the 
main  by  the  country  itself  which  they  traverse, 
since  neither  horses  nor  men  can  carry  food 
with  them  for  more  than  a  very  few  days. 

Genghis  Khan  put  one  of  the  largest  divi- 
sions under  the  command  of  his  son  Jughi,  the 
prince  who  distinguished  himself  so  much  in 
the  conflicts  by  which  his  father  raised  himself 
to  the  supreme  power. 

Jughi  was  ordered  to  advance  with  his  divi- 
sion through  Turkestan,  the  country  where  the 
Prince  Kushluk  had  sought  refuge,  and  which 
still  remained,  in  some  degree,  disaffected  to- 


1218.]  WAII   WITH  THE   SULTAN.      239 

Preparations  of  the  sultan.  His  army.  His  plaa 

ward  Genghis  Khan.  Genghis  Khan  himself, 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  took  a  more 
southerly  ror»te  directly  toward  the  dominions 
of  the  sultan. 

In  the  mean  time  the  sultan  himself  had  not 
been  idle.  He  collected  together  all  the  forces 
that  he  could  command.  When  they  were 
mustered,  the  number  of  men  was  found  to  be 
four  hundred  thousand.  This  was  a  large  army, 
though  much  smaller  than  that  of  Genghis 
Khan. 

The  sultan  set  out  upon  his  march  with  his 
troops  to  meet  the  invaders.  After  advancing 
for  some  distance,  he  learned  that  the  army  of 
Jughi,  which  had  passed  through  Turkestaii, 
was  at  the  northward  of  his  position,  and  he 
found  that  by  turning  in  that  direction  he  might 
hope  to  meet  and  conquer  that  part  of  the  Mon- 
gul  force  before  it  could  have  time  to  join  the 
main  body.  He  determined  at  once  to  adopt 
this  plan. 

He  accordingly  turned  his  course,  and  march- 
ed forward  into  the  part  of  the  country  where 
he  supposed  Jughi  to  be.  At  length  he  came 
to  a  place  where  his  scouts  found,  near  a  river, 
a  great  many  dead  bodies  lying  on  the  ground. 
Among  the  others  who  had  fallen  there  was 
one  man  who  was  wounded,  but  was  not  dead. 


240  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1218. 

The  sultan  meets  Jughi.        Opinion  of  the  generals.       Jughi's  decision. 

This  wounded  man  told  the  scouts  that  the 
bodies  were  those  of  persons  who  had  been  slain 
by  the  army  of  Jughi,  which  had  just  passed 
that  way.  The  sultan  accordingly  pressed  for- 
ward and  soon  overtook  them.  Jughi  was 
hastening  on  in  order  to  join  his  father. 

Jughi  consulted  his  generals  in  respect  to 
what  it  was  best  to  do.  They  advised  him  to 
avoid  a  battle. 

"  We  are  not  strong  enough,"  said  they,  "  to 
encounter  alone  the  whole  of  the  sultan's  army. 
It  is  better  that  we  should  retreat,  which  we 
can  do  in  an  orderly  manner,  and  thus  join  the 
main  body  before  we  give  the  enemy  battle. 
Or,  if  the  sultan  should  attempt  to  pursue  us, 
he  can  not  keep  his  army  together  in  doing  so. 
They  will  necessarily  become  divided  into  de- 
tachments on  the  road,  and  then  we  can  turn 
and  destroy  them  in  detail,  which  will  be  a 
much  surer  mode  of  proceeding  than  for  us  to 
attack  them  in  the  mass." 

Jughi  was  not  willing  to  follow  this  advice. 

"  What  will  my  father  and  my  brothers 
think,"  said  he,  "  when  they  see  us  coming  to 
them,  flying  from  the  enemy,  without  having 
fought  them,  contrary  to  his  express  commands? 
No.  We  must  stand  our  ground,  trusting  to 
our  valor,  and  do  our  best.  If  we  are  to  die  at 


1218.]  WAR  WITH  THE  SULTAN.      241 

The  battle  commenced.  Neither  party  victorious. 

all,  we  had  better  be  slain  in  battle  than  in 
flight.  You  have  done  your  duty  in  admonish- 
ing me  of  the  danger  we  are  in,  and  now  it  re- 
mains for  me  to  do  mine  in  trying  to  bring  you 
out  of  it  with  honor." 

So  he  ordered  the  army  to  halt,  and  to  be 
drawn  up  in  order  of  battle. 

The  battle  was  soon  commenced,  and  it  was 
continued  throughout  the  day.  The  Monguls, 
though  fewer  in  numbers,  were  superior  to 
their  enemies  in  discipline  and  in  courage,  and 
the  advantage  was  obviously  on  their  side, 
though  they  did  not  gain  a  decisive  victory. 
Toward  night,  however,  the  sultan's  troops 
evinced  every  where  a  disposition  to  give  way, 
and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  officers 
could  induce  them  to  maintain  their  ground 
until  the  darkness  came  on  and  put  an  end  to 
the  conflict.  When  at  length  the  combatants 
could  no  longer  see  to  distinguish  friend  from 
foe,  the  two  armies  withdrew  to  their  respect- 
ive camps,  and  built  their  fires  for  the  night. 

Jughi  thought  that  by  fighting  during  this 
day  he  had  done  all  that  his  father  required  of 
him  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  army,  and 
that  now  it  would  be  most  prudent  to  retreat, 
without  risking  another  battle  on  the  morrow. 
So  he  caused  fresh  supplies  of  fuel  to  be  but 

12-16 


242  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1218. 

Jnghi  withdraws.    His  reception  by  his  Either.    The  Monguls  victorious. 

upon  the  camp-fires  in  order  to  deceive  the  en- 
emy, and  then  marched'  out  of  his  camp  in  the 
night  with  all  his  men.  The  next  morning,  by 
the  time  that  the  sultan's  troops  were  again 
under  arms,  he  had  advanced  far  on  his  march 
to  join  his  father,  and  was  beyond  their  reach. 

He  soon  rejoined  his  father,  and  was  received 
by  him  with  great  joy.  Genghis  Khan  was 
extremely  pleased  with  the  course  which  his 
son  had  pursued,  and  bestowed  upon  him  many 
public  honors  and  rewards. 

After  this  other  great  battles  were  fought 
between  the  two  armies.  At  one  of  them,  a 
great  trumpet  fifteen  feet  long  is  mentioned 
among  the  other  martial  instruments  that  were 
used  to  excite  the  men  to  ardor  in  making  the 
charge. 

In  these  battles  the  Monguls  were  victorious. 
The  sultan,  however,  still  continued  to  make 
head  as  well  as  he  could  against  the  invaders, 
until  at  length  he  found  that  he  had  lost  one 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  of  his  men.  This 
was  almost  half  of  his  army,  and  the  loss  en- 
feebled him  so  much  that  he  was  convinced 
that  it  was  useless  for  him  any  longer  to  resist 
the  Monguls  in  the  open  field ;  so  he  sent  off 
his  army  in  detachments  to  the  different  towns 
and  fortresses  of  his  kingdom,  ordering  the  sev- 


1218.]  WAR  WITH  THE  SULTAN.      243 

The  sultan's  plans.  Flying  squadron.  Genghis  Khan. 

eral  divisions  to  shut  themselves  up  and  defend 
themselves  as  well  as*-thej  could,  in  the  places 
assigned  to  them,  until  better  times  should 
return. 

The  sultan,  however,  did  not  seek  shelter  in 
this  way  for  himself.  He  selected  from  his 
troops  a  certain  portion  of  those  who  were 
most  active  and  alert  and  were  best  mounted, 
and  formed  of  them  a  sort  of  flying  squadron 
with  which  he  could  move  rapidly  from  place 
to  place  through  the  country,  wherever  his  aid 
might  be  most  required. 

Genghis  Khan,  of  course,  now  prepared  to 
attack  the  cities  where  the  several  divisions  of 
the  sultan's  army  had  intrenched  themselves. 
He  wished  first  "to  get  possession  of  Otrar, 
which  was  the  place  where  the  embassadors 
and  the  merchants  had  been  massacred.  But 
the  city  was  not  very  large,  and  so,  instead  of 
marching  toward  it  himself,  he  gave  the  charge 
of  capturing  it  to  two  of  his  younger  song, 
whom  he  sent  off  for  the  purpose  at  the  head 
of  a  suitable  detachment. 

He  himself,  with  the  main  body,  set  off  upon 
a  "march  toward  the  cities  of  Samarcand  and 
Bokhara,  which  were  the  great  central  cities  of 
the  sultan's  dominions. 


244  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1218. 


Description  of  the  town  Bokhara. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 
THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA. 

BOKHARA  was  a  great  and  beautiful  city. 
It  was  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  very  fine 
and  fertile  country,  in  a  position  very  favorable 
for  the  trade  and  commerce  of  those  days.  It 
was  also  a  great  seat  of  learning  and  of  the 
arts  and  sciences.  It  contained  many  institu- 
tions in  which  were  taught  such  arts  and  sci- 
ences as  were  then  cultivated,  and  students  re 
sorted  to  it  from  all  the  portions  of  Western 
Asia. 

The  city  proper  was  inclosed  with  a  strong 
wall.  Besides  this  there  was  an  outer  wall, 
thirty  miles  in  circumference,  which  inclosed 
the  suburbs  of  the  town,  and  also  a  beautiful  re- 
gion of  parks  and  gardens,  which  contained  the 
public  places  of  amusement  and  the  villas  of 
the  wealthy  inhabitants.  It  was  this  peaceful 
seat  of  industry  and  wealth  that  Genghis  Khan, 
with  his  hordes  of  ruthless  barbarians,  was  com- 
ing now  to  sack  and  plunder. 

The  first  city  which  the  Monguls  reached  on 


1219.]   THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.      245 


An  immediate  surrender. 


their  march  toward  Bokhara  was  one  named 
Zarnuk.  In  approaching  it  a  large  troop  rode 
up  toward  the  walls,  uttering  terrific  shouts  and 
outcries.  The  people  shut  the  gates  in  great 
terror.  Genghis  Khan,  however,  sent  an  officer 
to  them  to  say  that  it  was  useless  for  them  to 
attempt  to  resist  him,  and  to  advise  them  to 
surrender  at  once.  They  must  demolish  their 
citadel,  he  said,  and  send  out  all  the  young  and 
able-bodied  men  to  Genghis  Khan.  The  offi- 
cer advised  them,  too,  to  send  out  presents  to 
Genghis  Khan  as  an  additional  means  of  pro- 
pitiating him  and  inducing  him  to  spare  the 
town. 

The  inhabitants  yielded  to  this  advice.  The 
gates  were  thrown  open.  All  the  young  men 
who  were  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  mar- 
shaled and  marched  out  to  the  Mongul  camp. 
They  were  accompanied  by  the  older  men 
among  the  inhabitants,  who  took  with  them 
the  best  that  the  town  contained,  for  presents. 
Genghis  Khan  accepted  the  presents,  ordered 
the  young  men  to  be  enrolled  in  his  army,  and 
then,  dismissing  the  older  ones  in  peace,  he  re- 
sumed his  march  and  went  on  his  way. 

He  next  came  to  a  town  named  Nur.  One 
of  the  men  from  Zarnuk  served  as  a  guide  to 
show  the  detachment  which  was  sent  to  sum- 


246  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 


The  siege  of  Bokhara  commenced. 


mon  the  city  a  near  way  to  reach  it.  Nur  was 
a  sort  of  sacred  town,  having  many  holy  places 
in  it  which  were  resorted  to  by  many  pilgrims 
and  other  devotees. 

The  people  of  Nur  shut  the  gates  and  for 
some  time  refused  to  surrender.  But  at  last, 
finding  that  it  was  useless  to  attempt  to  resist, 
they  opened  the  gates  and  allowed  the  Monguls 
to  come  in.  Genghis  Khan,  to  punish  the  in- 
habitants, as  he  said,  for  even  thinking  of  re- 
sisting him,  set  aside  a  supply  of  cattle  and  oth- 
er provisions  to  keep  them  from  starving,  and 
then  gave  up  all  the  rest  of  the  property  found 
in  the  town  to  be  divided  among  his  soldiers  as 
plunder. 

At  length  the  army  reached  the  great  plain 
in  which  Bokhara  was  situated,  and  encamped 
before  the  town.  Bokhara  was  very  large  and 
very  populous,  as  may  well  be  supposed  from 
its  outer  wall  of  thirty  miles  in  circuit,  and  Gen- 
ghis Khan  did  not  expect  to  make  himself  mas- 
ter of  it  without  considerable  difficulty  and  de- 
lay. He  was,  however,  very  intent  on  besieg- 
ing and  taking  it,  not  only  on  account  of  the 
general  wealth  and  importance  of  the  place,  but 
also  because  he  supposed  that  the  sultan  him- 
self was  at  this  time  within  the  walls.  He  had 
heard  that  the  sultan  had  retreated  there  with 


1219.]   THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.      247 

The  sultan's  anxiety.  Intercepted  letters.  The  deserter. 

his  flying  squadron,  taking  with  him  all  his 
treasure. 

This  was,  however,  a  mistake.  The  sultan 
was  not  there.  He  had  gone  there,  it  is  true, 
at  first,  and  had  taken  with  him  the  most  valu- 
able of  his  treasures,  but  before  Genghis  Khan 
arrived  he  had  secretly  withdrawn  to  Samar- 
cand,  thinking  that  he  might  be  safer  there. 

In  truth,  the  sultan  was  beginning  to  be  very 
much  disheartened  and  discouraged.  Among 
other  things  which  occurred  to  disturb  his  mind, 
certain  letters  were  found  and  brought  to  him, 
as  if  they  had  been  intercepted,  which  letters 
gave  accounts  of  a  conspiracy  among  his  offi- 
cers to  desert  him  and  go  over  to  the  side  of 
Genghis  Khan.  These  letters  were  not  signed, 
and  the  sultan  could  not  discover  who  had  writ- 
ten them,  but  the  pretended  conspiracy  which 
they  revealed  filled  his  soul  with  anxiety  and 
distress. 

It  was  only  a  pretended  conspiracy  after  all, 
for  the  letters  were  written  by  a  man  in  Gen- 
ghis Khan's  camp,  and  with  Genghis  Khan's 
permission  or  connivance.  This  man  was  a  Mo- 
hammedan, and  had  been  in  the  sultan's  serv- 
ice ;  but  the  sultan  had  put  to  death  his  father 
and  his  brothers  on  account  of  some  alleged  of- 
fense, and  he  had  become  so  incensed  at  the  act 


248  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [121S 

The  outer  wall  taken.  Grand  sortie  made  by  the  garrisou 

that  he  had  deserted  to  Genghis  Khan,  and  now 
he  was  determined  to  do  his  former  sovereign 
all  the  mischief  in  his  power.  His  intimate 
knowledge  of  persons  and  things  connected 
with  the  sultan's  court  and  army  enabled  him 
to  write  these  letters  in  such  a  way  as  to  de- 
ceive the  sultan  completely. 

It  was  past  midsummer  when  the  army  of 
Genghis  Khan  laid  siege  to  Bokhara,  and  it 
was  not  until  the  spring  of  the  following  year 
that  they  succeeded  in  carrying  the  outer  wall, 
so  strongly  was  the  city  fortified  and  so  well 
was  it  defended.  After  having  forced  the  out- 
«r  wall,  the  Monguls  destroyed  the  suburbs  of 
the  town,  devastated  the  cultivated  gardens  and 
grounds,  and  pillaged  the  villas.  They  then 
took  up  their  position  around  the  inner  wall, 
and  commenced  the  siege  of  the  city  itself  in 
due  form. 

The  sultan  had  left  three  of  his  greatest  gen- 
erals in  command  of  the  town.  These  men  de- 
termined not  to  wait  the  operations  of  Genghis 
Khan  in  attacking  the  walls,  but  to  make  a  sud- 
den sally  from  the  gates,  with  the  whole  force 
that  could  be  spared,  and  attack  the  besiegers 
in  their  intrenchments.  They  made  this  sally 
in  the  night,  at  a  time  when  the  Monguls  were 
least  expecting  it.  They  were,  however,  wholly 


1219.]  THE  FALL  OP  BOKHARA.       249 

Evacuation  of  the  town.  Pursuit.  The  fugitives  overtaken. 

unsuccessful.  They  were  driven  back  into  the 
city  with  great  loss.  The  generals,  it  seems, 
had  determined  to  risk  all  on  this  desperate  at- 
tempt, and,  in  case  it  failed,  at  once  to  abandon 
the  city  to  its  fate.  Accordingly,  when  driven 
into  the  city  through  the  gates  on  one  side,  they 
marched  directly  through  it  and  passed  out 
through  the  gates  on  the  other  side,  hoping  to 
save  themselves  and  the  garrison  by  this  re- 
treat, with  a  view  of  ultimately  rejoining  the 
sultan.  They,  however,  went  first  in  a  south- 
erly direction  from  the  city  toward  the  River 
Amoor.  The  generals  took  their  families  and 
those  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  garrison 
with  them. 

The  night  was  dark,  and  they  succeeded  in 
leaving  the  city  without  being  observed.  In 
the  morning,  however,  all  was  discovered,  and 
Genghis  Khan  sent  off  a  strong  detachment  of 
well-mounted  troops  in  pursuit.  These  troops, 
after  about  a  day's  chase,  overtook  the  flying 
garrison  near  the  river.  There  was  no  escape 
for  the  poor  fugitives,  and  the  merciless  Mon- 
guls  destroyed  them  almost  every  one  by  rid- 
ing over  them,  trampling  them  down  with  their 
horses'  hoofs,  and  cutting  them  to  pieces  with 
their  sabres. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  this  detachment  had 


250  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 

Surrender.  Conditions  mad*.  The  governor  of  the  citadel 

been  pursuing  the  garrison,  Genghis  Khan, 
knowing  that  there  were  no  longer  any  troops 
within  the  city  to  defend  it,  and  that  every 
thing  there  was  in  utter  confusion,  determined 
on  a  grand  final  assault ;  but,  while  his  men 
were  getting  the  engines  ready  to  batter  down 
the  walls,  a  procession,  consisting  of  all  the 
magistrates  and  clergy,  and  a  great  mass  of  the 
principal  citizens,  came  forth  from  one  of  the 
gates,  bearing  with  them  the  keys  of  the  city. 
These  keys  they  offered  to  Genghis  Khan  in 
token  of  surrender,  and  begged  him  to  spare 
their  lives.  * 

The  emperor  received  the  keys,  and  said  to 
the  citizens  that  he  would  spare  their  lives  on 
condition  that,  if  there  were  any  of  the  sultan's 
soldiers  concealed  in  the  city,  they  would  give 
them  up,  and  that  they  would  also  seize  and  de- 
liver to  him  any  of  the  citizens  that  were  sus- 
pected of  being  in  the  sultan's  interest.  This 
they  took  a  solemn  oath  that  they  would  do. 

The  soldiers,  however — that  is,  those  that  re- 
mained in  the  town — were  not  delivered  up. 
Most  of  them  retired  to  the  castle,  which  was  a 
sort  of  citadel,  and  put  themselves  under  the 
command  of  the  governor  of  the  castle,  who, 
being  a  very  energetic  and  resolute  man,  de- 
clared that  he  never  would  surrender. 


1219.]  THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.       251 

Genghis  Khan  enters  the  city.  Valuables  surrendered. 

There  were  a  great  many  of  the  young  men 
of  the  town,  sons  of  the  leading  citizens,  who 
also  retired  to  the  castle,  determined  not  to 
yield  to  the  conqueror. 

Genghis  Khan,  having  thus  obtained  the  keys 
of  the  city  itself,  caused  the  gates  to  be  opened, 
and  his  troops  marched  in  and  took  possession. 
He  had  promised  the  citizens  that  his  soldiers 
should  spare  the  lives  of  the  people  and  should 
not  pillage  the  houses  on  condition  that  the 
magistrates  delivered  up  peaceably  the  public 
magazines  of  grain  and  other  food  to  supply 
his  army;  also  that^all  the  people  who  had 
buried  or  otherwise  concealed  gold  and  silver,  or 
other  treasures,  should  bring  them  forth  again 
and  give  them  up,  or  else  make  known  where 
they  were  concealed.  This  the  people  promised 
that  they  would  do. 

After  having  entered  the  town,  Genghis 
Khan  was  riding  about  the  streets  on  horse- 
back at  the  head  of  his  troop  of  guards  when  he 
came  to  a  large  and  very  beautiful  edifice.  The 
doors  were  wide,  and  he  drove  his  horse  directly 
in.  His  troops,  and  the  other  soldiers  who  were 
there,  followed  him  in.  There  were  also  with 
him  some  of  the  magistrates  of  the  town,  who 
were  accompanying  him  in  his  progress  about 
the  city. 


252  GENGHIS  KHAN.          [1219. 

The  emperor  in  the  mosque.  Desecration  of  the  mosque. 

After  the  whole  party  had  entered  the  edi- 
fice, Genghis  Khan  looked  around,  and  then 
asked  them,  in  a  jeering  manner,  if  that  was  the 
sultan's  palace. 

"  No,"  said  they,  "  it  is  the  house  of  God." 

The  building  was  a  mosque. 

On  hearing  this,  Genghis  Khan  alighted  from 
his  horse,  and,  giving  the  bridle  to  one  of  the 
principal  magistrates  to  hold,  he  went  up,  in  a 
very  irreverent  manner,  to  a  sacred  place  where 
the  priests  were  accustomed  to  sit.  He  seized 
the  copy  of  the  Koran  which  he  found  there, 
and  threw  it  down  under*he  feet  of  the  horses. 
After  amusing  himself  for  a  time  in  desecrating 
the  temple  by  these  and  other  similar  perform- 
ances, he  caused  his  soldiers  to  bring  in  their 
provisions,  and  allowed  them  to  eat  and  drink 
in  the  temple,  in  a  riotous  manner,  without  any 
regard  to  the  sacredness  of  the  place,  or  to  the 
feelings  of  the  people  of  the  town  which  he 
outraged  by  this  conduct. 

A  few  days  after  this  Genghis  Khan  assem- 
bled all  the  magistrates  and  principal  citizens 
of  the  town,  and  made  a  speech  to  them  from 
an  elevated  stand  or  pulpit  which  was  erected 
for  the  purpose.  He  began  his  speech  by  prais- 
ing God,  and  claiming  to  be  an  object  of  his 
special  favor,  in  proof  of  which  he  recounted 


1219.]  THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.       253 

Genghis  Khan  makes  ft  speech.      The  inhabitants  give  up  every  thing. 

the  victories  which  he  had  obtained,  as  he  said, 
through  the  Divine  aid.  He  then  went  on  to 
denounce  the  perfidious  conduct  of  the  sultan 
toward  him  in  making  a  solemn  treaty  of  peace 
with  him  and  then  treacherously  murdering  his 
merchants  and  embassadors.  He  said  that  the 
sultan  was  a  detestable  tyrant,  and  that  God 
had  commissioned  him  to  rid  the  earth  of  all 
such  monsters.  He  said,  in  conclusion,  that  he 
would  protect  their  lives,  and  would  not  allow 
his  soldiers  to  take  away  their  household  goods, 
provided  they  surrendered  to  him  fairly  and 
honestly  all  their  mo^iey  and  other  treasures; 
and  if  any  of  them  refused  to  do  this,  or  to  tell 
where  their  treasures  were  hid,  he  would  put 
them  to  the  torture,  and  compel  them  to  tell. 

The  wretched  inhabitants  of  the  town,  feel- 
ing that  they  were  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the 
terrible  hordes  that  were  in  possession  of  the 
city,  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  any  thing. 
They  brought  forward  their  hidden  treasures, 
and  even  offered  their  household  goods  to  the 
conqueror  if  he  was  disposed  to  take  them. 
They  were  only  anxious  to  save,  if  possible, 
their  dwellings  and  their  lives.  Genghis  Khan 
appeared  at  first  to  be  pleased  with  the  sub- 
missive spirit  which  they  manifested,  but  at 
last,  under  pretense  that  he  heard  of  some  sol- 


254  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 

Conflagration.      Surrender  of  the  citadel.     The  town  utterly  destroyed. 

diers  being  concealed  somewhere,  and  perhaps 
irritated  at  the  citadel's  holding  out  so  long 
against  him,  he  ordered  the  town  to  be  set  OD 
fire.  The  buildings  were  almost  all  of  wood, 
and  the  fire  raged  among  them  with  great  fury. 
Multitudes  of  the  inhabitants  perished  in  the 
flames,  and  great  numbers  died  miserably  after- 
ward from  want  and  exposure.  The  citadel  im- 
mediately afterward  surrendered,  and  it  would 
seem  that  Genghis  Khan  began  to  feel  satisfied 
with  the  amount  of  misery  which  he  had  caused, 
for  it  is  said  that  he  spared  the  lives  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  of  the  soldiets,  although  we  might 
have  expected  that  he  would  have  massacred 
them  all. 

The  citadel  was,  however,  demolished,  and 
thus  the  town  itself,  and  all  that  pertained  to  it, 
became  a  mass  of  smoking  ruins.  The  prop- 
erty pillaged  from  the  inhabitants  was  divided 
among  the  Mongul  troops,  while  the  people 
themselves  went  away,  to  roam  as  vagabonds 
and  beggars  over  the  surrounding  country,  and 
to  die  of  want  and  despair. 

What  difference  is  there  between  such  a  con- 
queror as  this  and  the  captain  of  a  band  of 
pirates  or  of  robbers,  except  in  the  immense 
magnitude  01  the  scale  on  which  he  perpetrates 
his  crimes  ? 


1219.]  THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.       255 

News  of  the  fall  of  Otrar.  Plans  for  the  defense  of  Otrar. 

The  satisfaction  which  Genghis  Khan  felt  at 
the  capture  of  Bokhara  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  intelligence  which  he  received  soon  aft- 
erward from  the  two  princes  whom  he  had  sent 
to  lay  siege  to  Otrar,  informing  him  that  that 
city  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  that  the 
governor  of  it,  the  officer  who  had  so  treacher- 
ously put  to  death  the  embassadors  and  the  mer- 
chants, had  been  taken  and  slain.  The  name 
of  this  governor  was  Grayer  Khan.  The  sultan, 
knowing  that  Genghis  Khan  would  doubtless 
make  this  city  one  of  his  first  objects  of  attack, 
left  the  governor  a  force  of  fifty  thousand  men 
to  defend  it.  He  afterward  sent  him  an  addi- 
tional force  of  ten  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  a  general  named  Kanakas. 

With  these  soldiers  the  governor  shut  him- 
self up  in  the  city.  He  knew  very  well  that  if 
he  surrendered  or  was  taken  he  could  expect 
no  mercy,  and  he  went  to  work  accordingly 
strengthening  the  fortifications,  and  laying  in 
stores  of  provisions,  determined  to  fight  to  the 
last  extremity.  The  captain  of  the  guard  who 
came  to  assist  him  had  not  the  same  reason  for 
being  so  very  obstinate  in  the  defense  of  the 
town,  and  this  difference  in  the  situation  of  the 
two  commanders  led  to  difficulty  in  the  endr  as 
we  shall  presently  see. 


256  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 


The  proposal  made  to  Genghis  Khan. 


The  Mongul  princes  began  the  siege  of  Otrar 
by  filling  up  the  ditches  that  encircled  the  out- 
er wall  of  the  town  in  the  places  where  they 
wished  to  plant  their  battering-rams  to  make 
breaches^  in  the  walls.  They  were  hindered  a 
great  deal  in  their  work,  as  is  usual  in  such 
cases,  by  the  sallies  of  the  besieged,  who  rushed 
upon  them  in  the  night  in  great  numbers,  and 
with  such  desperate  fury  that  they  often  suc- 
ceeded in  destroying  some  of  the  engines,  or  set- 
ting them  on  fire  before  they  could  be  driven 
back  into  the  town.  This  continued  for  some 
time,  until  at  last  the  Mongul  princes  began  to 
be  discouraged,  and  they  sent  word  to  their  fa- 
ther, who  was  then  engaged  in  the  siege  of 
Bokhara,  informing  him  of  the  desperate  de- 
fense which  was  made  by  the  garrison  of  Otrar, 
and  asking  his  permission  to  turn  the  siege  into 
a  blockade — that  is,  to  withdraw  from  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  walls,  and  to  content  them- 
selves with  investing  the  city  closely  on  every 
side,  so  as  to  prevent  any  one  from  going  out 
or  coming  in,  until  the  provisions  of  the  town 
should  be  exhausted,  and  the  garrison  be  starved 
into  a  surrender.  In  this  way,  they  said,  the 
lives  of  vast  numbers  of  the  troops  would  be 
saved. 

But  their  father  sent  back  word  to  them  that 


1219.]   THE  FALL  OF  BOKHAKA.       257 

The  siege  renewed.          The  outer  walls  taken.          Desperate  conflicts. 

they  must  do  no  such  thing,  but  must  go  on 
and  fight  their  way  into  the  town,  no  matter 
how  many  of  the  men  were  killed. 

So  the  princes  began  again  with  fresh  ardor, 
and  they  pushed  forward  their  operations  with 
such  desperate  energy  that  in  less  than  a  month 
the  outer  wall,  and  the  works  of  the  besieged 
to  defend  it,  were  all  in  ruins.  The  towers  were 
beaten  down,  the  ramparts  were  broken,  and 
many  breaches  were  made  through  which  the 
besiegers  might  be  expected  at  any  moment  to 
force  their  way  into  the  town.  The  besieged 
were  accordingly  obliged  to  abandon  the  outer 
walls  and  retire  within  the  inner  lines. 

The  Monguls  now  had  possession  of  the  sub- 
urbs, and,  after  pillaging  them  of  all  that  they 
could  convert  to  their  own  use,  and  burning 
and  destroying  every  thing  else,  they  advanced 
to  attack  the  inner  works ;  and  here  the  con- 
test between  the  besiegers  and  the  garrison  was 
renewed  more  fiercely  than  ever.  The  besieged 
continued  their  resistance  for  five  months,  de- 
fending themselves  by  every  possible  means 
from  the  walls,  and  making  desperate  sallies 
from  time  to  time  in  order  to  destroy  the  Mou- 
guls'  engines  and  kill  the  men. 

At  length  Kariakas,  the  captain  of  the  guard, 
who  had  been  sent  to  assist  the  governor  in  the 
12—17 


258  GENGHIS  KHAN.          [1219. 


Kanakas  and  the  governor. 


defense  of  the  town,  began  to  think  it  was  time 
that  the  carnage  should  cease  and  that  the  town 
should  be  surrendered.  But  the  governor,  who 
knew  that  he  would  most  assuredly  be  behead- 
ed if  in  any  way  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  would  not  listen  to  any  proposal  of  the 
kind.  He  succeeded,  also,  in  exciting  among 
the  people  of  the  town,  and  among  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison,  such  a  hatred  of  the  Monguls, 
whom  he  represented  as  infidels  of  the  very 
worst  character,  the  enemies  alike  of  God  and 
man,  that  they  joined  him  in  the  determination 
not  to  surrender. 

Kariakas  now  found  himself  an  object  of  sus- 
picion and  distrust  in  the  town  and  in  the  gar- 
rison on  account  of  his  having  made  the  pro- 
posal to  surrender,  and  feeling  that  he  was  not 
safe,  he«  determined  to  make  a  separate  peace 
for  himself  and  his  ten  thousand  by  going  out 
secretly  in  the  night  and  giving  himself  up  to 
the  princes.  He  thought  that  by  doing  this, 
and  by  putting  the  Monguls  in  possession  of  the 
gate  through  which  his  troops  were  to  march 
out,  so  as  to  enable  them  to  gain  admission  to 
the  city,  his  life  would  be  spared,  and  that  he 
might  perhaps  be  admitted  into  the  service  of 
Genghis  Khan. 

But  he  was  mistaken  in  this  idea.     The 


1219.]  THE  FALL  OF  BOKHARA.       259 

Punishment  of  treason.     The  Monguls  enter  the  town.     Citadel  Btormorl. 

princes  said  that  a  man  who  would  betray  his 
own  countrymen  would  betray  them  if  he  ever 
had  a  good  opportunity.  So  they  ordered  him 
and  all  his  officers  to  be  slain,  and  the  men  to 
be  divided  among  the  soldiers  as  slaves. 

They  nevertheless  took  possession  of  the  gate 
by  which  the  deserters  had  come  out,  and  by  this 
means  gained  admission  tS  the  city.  The  gov- 
ernor fled  to  the  citadel  with  all  the  men  whom 
he  could  assemble,  and  shut  himself  up  in  it. 
Here  he  fought  desperately  for  a  month,  mak- 
ing continual  sallies  at  the  head  of  his  men, 
and  doing  every  thing  that  the  most  resolute 
and  reckless  bravery  could  do  to  harass  and 
beat  off  the  besiegers.  But  all  was  in  vain.  In 
the  end  the  walls  of  the  citadel  were  so  broken 
down  by  the  engines  brought  to  bear  upon 
them,  that  one  day  the  Monguls,  by  9  determ- 
ined and  desperate  assault  made  on  all  sides 
simultaneously,  forced  their  way  in,  through  the 
most  dreadful  scenes  of  carnage  and  destruc- 
tion, and  began  killing  without  mercy  every 
soldier  that  they  could  find. 

The  soldiers  defended  themselves  to  the  last. 
Some  took  refuge  in  narrow  courts  and  lanes, 
and  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses — for  the  citadel 
was  so  large  that  it  formed  of  itself  quite  a  lit- 
tle town — and  fought  desperately  till  they  were 


260  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [121&. 

Desperation  of  the  governor.  Courage  and  devotion  of  his  wife. 

brought  down  by  the  arrows  of  the  Monguls. 
The  governor  took  his  position,  in  company 
with  two  men  who  were  with  him,  on  a  terrace 
of  his  palace,  and  refused  to  surrender,  but 
fought  on  furiously,  determined  to  kill  any  one 
who  attempted  to  come  near  him.  His  wife 
was  near,  doing  all  in  her  power  to  encourage 
and  sustain  him. 

Genghis  Khan  had  given  orders  to  the  princes 
not  to  kill  the  governor,  but  to  take  him  alive. 
He  wished  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  disposing 
of  him  himself.  For  this  reason  the  soldiers 
who  attempted  to  take  him  on  the  terrace  were 
very  careful  not  to  shoot  their  arrows  at  him, 
but  only  at  the  men  who  were  with  him,  ana 
while  they  did  so  a  great  many  of  them  were 
killed  by  the  arrows  which  the  governor  and 
his  two  friends  discharged  at  those  who  at- 
tempted to  climb  up  to  the  place  where  they 
were  standing. 

After  a  while  the  two  men  were  killed,  but 
the  governor  remained  alive.  Yet  nobody 
could  come  near  him.  Those  that  attempted 
it  were  shot,  and  fell  back  again  among  their 
companions  below.  The  governor's  wife  sup- 
plied him  with  arrows  as  fast  as  he  could  use 
them.  At  length  all  the  arrows  were  spent, 
and  then  she  brought  him  stones,  which  he 


1219.]  THE   FALL  OF  BOKHARA.       263 

The  governor*  a  fate. 

hurled  down  upon  his  assailants  when  they 
tried  to  climb  up  to  him.  But  at  last  so  many 
ascended  together  that  the  governor  could  not 
beat  them  all  back,  and  he  was  at  length  sur- 
rounded and  secured,  and  immediately  put  in 
irons. 

The  princes  wrote  word  at  once  to  their  fa- 
ther that  the  town  was  taken,  and  that  the  gov- 
ernor was  in  their  hands  a  prisoner.  They  re- 
ceived orders  in  return  to  bring  him  with  them 
to  Bokhara.  While  on  the  way,  however,  an- 
other order  came  requiring  them  to  put  the 
prisoner  to  death,  and  this  order  was  immedi- 
ately executed. 

What  was  the  fate  of  his  courageous  and  de- 
voted wife  has  never  been  known. 


20i  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [12 11). 

Continuation  of  the  war.  Saganak. 


CHAPTER  XX. 
BATTLES  AND  SIEGES. 

AFTER  the  fall  of  Bokhara  and  Otrar,  the 
war  was  continued  for  two  years  with 
great  vigor  by  Genghis  Khan  and  the  Mon- 
guls,  and  the  poor  sultan  was  driven  from  place 
to  place  by  his  merciless  enemies,  until  at  last 
his  cause  was  wholly  lost,  and  he  himself,  as 
will  appear  in  the  next  chapter,  came  to  a  mis- 
erable end. 

During  the  two  years  while  Genghis  Khan 
continued  the  war  against  him,  a  great  many 
incidents^  occurred  illustrating  the  modes  of 
warfare  practiced  in  those  days,  and  the  suffer- 
ings which  were  endured  by  the  mass  of  the 
people  in  consequence  of  these  terrible  strug- 
gles between  rival  despots  contending  for  the 
privilege  of  governing  them. 

At  one  time  Genghis  Khan  sent  his  son 
Jughi  with  a  large  detachment  to  besiege  and 
take  a  certain  town  named  Saganak.  As  soon 
as  Jughi  arrived  before  the  place,  he  sent  in  a 
flag  of  truce  to  call  upon  the  people  of  the  town 


1219.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.          265 

Ha -.-.-in.  The  murdered  ambassador.  Jughi' s  revenge. 

to  surrender,  promising,  at  the  same  time,  to 
treat  them  kindly  if  they  would  do  so. 

The  bearer  of  the  flag  was  a  Mohammedan 
named  Hassan.  Jughi  probably  thought  that 
the  message  would  be  better  received  by  the 
people  of  the  town  if  brought  to  them  by  one 
of  their  own  countrymen,  but  he  made  a  great 
mistake  in  this.  The  people,  instead  of  being 
pleased  with  the  messenger  because  he  wa  j  a 
Mohammedan,  were  very  much  exasperated 
against  him.  They  considered  him  a  renegade 
and  a  traitor ;  and,  although  the  governor  had 
solemnly  promised  that  he  should  be  allowed 
to  go  and  come  in  safety,  so  great  a  tumult  arose 
that  the  governor  found  it  impossioie  to  pro- 
tect him,  and  the  poor  man  was  torn  to  pieces 
by  the  mob. 

Jughi  immediately  assaulted  the  town  with 
all  his  force,  and  as  soon  as  he  got  possession 
of  it  he  slaughtered  without  mercy  all  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  and  killed  also 
about  one  half  of  the  inhabitants,  in  order  to 
avenge  the  death  of  his  murdered  messenger. 
He  also  caused  a  handsome  monument  to  be 
erected  to  his  memory  in  the  principal  square 
of  the  town. 

Jughi  treated  the  inhabitants  of  every  town 
that  dared  to  resist  with  extreme  severity,  while 


266  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 

Jughi'a  general  policy.  Account  of  a  stratagem. 

those  that  yielded  at  once  were,  in  some  de- 
gree, spared  and  protected.  The  consequence 
of  this  policy  was  that  the  people  of  many  of 
the  towns  surrendered  without  attempting  to 
defend  themselves  at  all.  In  one  case  the  mag- 
istrates and  other  principal  inhabitants  of  a 
town  came  out  to  meet  him  a  distance  of  two 
days'  journey  from  them,  bringing  with  them 
the  keys  of  the  town,  and  a  great  quantity  of 
magnificent  presents,  all  of  which  they  laid  at 
the  conqueror's  feet,  and  implored  his  mercy. 

There  was  one  town  which  Jughi's  force  took 
by  a  kind  of  stratagem.  A  certain  engineer, 
whom  he  employed  to  make  a  reconnoissance 
of  the  fortifications,  reported  that  there  was  a 
place  on  one  side  of  the  town  where  there  was 
a  ditch  full  of  water  outside  of  the  wall,  which 
made  the  access  to  the  wall  there  so  difficult 
that  the  garrison  would  not  be  at  all  likely  to 
expect  an  attack  on  that  side.  The  engineer 
proposed  a  plan  for  building  some  light  bridges, 
which  the  soldiers  were  to  throw  over  the  ditch 
in  the  night,  after  having  drawn  off  the  atten- 
tion of  the  garrison  to  some  other  quarter,  and 
then,  mounting  upon  the  walls  by  means  of  lad- 
ders, to  get  into  the  town.  This  plan  was 
adopted.  The  bridges  and  the  ladders  were  pre- 
pared, and  then,  when  the  appointed  night  came, 


1219.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.         267 

The  town  taken.  A  beautiful  city.  Toukat. 

a  feigned  attack  was  made  in  the  opposite  part 
of  the  town.  The  garrison  were  then  all  called 
off  to  repel  this  pretended  attack,  and  in  this 
way  the  wall  opposite  to  the  ditch  Was  left  un- 
defended. The  soldiers  then  threw  the  bridges 
over  the  ditch,  and  planted  the  ladders  against 
the  wall,  and  before  the  garrison  could  get  in- 
telligence of  what  they  were  doing  they  had 
made  their  way  into  the  town,  and  had  opened 
one  of  the  gates,  and  by  this  means  the  whole 
army  got  in.  The  engineer  himself,  who  had 
proposed  the  plan,  went  up  first  on  the  first  lad- 
der that  was  planted  against  the  wall.  To  take 
the  lead  in  such  an  escalade  required  great  cool- 
ness and  courage,  for  it  was  dark,  and  no  one 
knew,  in  going  up  the  ladder,  how  many  ene- 
mies he  might  have  to  encounter  at  the  top  of  it. 

The  next  place  which  the  army  of  Jughi  ap- 
proached was  a  quiet  and  beautiful  town,  the 
seat  of  several  institutions  of  learning,  and  the 
residence  of  learned  men  and  men  of  leisure. 
It  was  a  very  pleasant  place,  full  of  fountains, 
gardens,  and  delightful  pleasure-grounds,  with 
many  charming  public  and  private  promenades. 
The  name  of  this  place  was  Toukat,  and  the 
beauty  and  attractiveness  of  it  were  proverbial 
through  all  the  country. 

Toukat  was  a  place  rather  of  pleasure  than 


268  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1219. 


Arrangements  for  plundering  it 


of  strength,  and  yet  it  was  surrounded  by  a 
wall,  and  the  governor  of  it  determined  to  make 
an  effort  to  defend  it.  The  garrison  fought 
bravely,  an*d  they  kept  the  besiegers  off  for 
three  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  en- 
gines of  the  Monguls  had  made  so  many  breach- 
es in  the  walls  that  the  governor  was  convinced 
that  they  would  soon  get  in,  and  so  he  sent  to 
Jughi  to  ask  for  the  terms  on  which  he  would 
allow  them  to  surrender.  Jughi  replied  that 
he  would  not  now  make  any  terms  with  him  at 
all.  It  was  too  late.  He  ought  to  have  sur- 
rendered at  the  beginning. 

So  the  Mongul  army  forced  its  way  into 
the  town,  and  slaughtered  the  whole  garrison 
without  mercy.  Jughi  then  ordered  all  the 
inhabitants,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  re- 
pair to  a  certain  place  on  the  plain  outside  the 
walls.  In  obedience  to  this  command,  all  the 
people  went  to  the  appointed  place.  They 
went  with  fear  and  trembling,  expecting  that 
they  were  all  to  be  killed.  But  they  found,  in 
the  end,  that  the  object  of  Jughi  in  bringing 
them  thus  out  of  the  town  was  not  to  kill 
them,  but  only  to  call  them  away  from  the 
houses,  so  that  the  soldiers  could  plunder  them 
more  conveniently  while  the  owners  were  away. 
After  being  kept  out  of  the  town  for  a  time 


1219.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.         269 

Kqjend.  Timur  Melek.  His  preparations  for  defense. 

they  were  allowed  to  return,  and  when  they 
went  back  to  their  houses  they  found  that  they 
had  been  pillaged  and  stripped  of  every  thing 
that  the  soldiers  could  carry  away. 

There  was  another  large  and  important  town 
named  Kojend.  It  was  situated  two  or  three 
hundred  miles  to  the  northward  of  Samarcand, 
on  the  River  Sir,  which  flows  into  Aral  Lake. 
The  governor  of  this  city  was  Timur  Melek. 
He  was  a  very  powerful  chieftain,  and  a  man 
of  great  military  renown,  having  often  been  in 
active  service  under  the  sultan  as  one  of  the 
principal  generals  of  his  army.  When  Timur 
heard  of  the  fall  of  Toukat,  he  presumed  that 
his  city  of  Kojend  would  be  next  attacked,  as 
it  seemed  to  come  next  in  the  way  of  the  Mon- 
gul  army ;  so  he  began  to  make  vigorous  prep- 
arations for  defense.  He  broke  up  all  the  roads 
leading  toward  the  town,  and  destroyed  the 
bridges.  He  also  laid  in  great  supplies  of 
food  to  maintain  the  inhabitants  in  case  of  a 
protracted  siege,  and  he  ordered  all  the  corn, 
fruits,  and  cattle  of  the  surrounding  country, 
which  he  did  not  require  for  this  purpose,  to 
be  taken  away  and  stowed  in  secret  places  at  a 
distance,  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy. 

Jughi  did  not  himself  attack  this  town,  but 


270  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1219. 

Engines  and  battering-rams.  The  floating  batteries. 

sent  a  large  detachment  under  the  orders  of  a 
general  named  Elak  Nevian.  Elak  advanced 
toward  the  city  and  commenced  his  operations. 
The  first  thing  that  was  to  be  done  was  to  re- 
build a  bridge  over  the  river,  so  as  to  enable 
him  to  gain  access  to  the  town,  which  was  on 
the  opposite  bank.  Then  he  set  up  immense 
engines  at  different  points  along  the  line,  some 
of  which  were  employed  to  batter  down  the 
walls,  and  others,  at  the  same  time,  to  throw 
stones,  darts,  and  arrows  over  the  parapets,  in 
order  to  drive  the  garrison  back  from  them. 
These  engines  did  great  execution.  Those 
built  to  batter  down  the  walls  were  of  great 
size  and  power.  Some  of  them,  it  was  said, 
threw  stones  over  the  wall  as  big  as  mill- 
stones. 

Timur  Melek  was  equally  active  in  the  de- 
fense of  the  town.  He  built  a  number  of  flat- 
bottomed  boats,  which  might  be  called  floating 
batteries,  since  they  were  constructed  for  throw- 
ing missiles  of  all  sorts  into  the  camp  of  the 
enemy.  These  batteries,  it  is  said,  were  cover- 
ed over  on  the  top  to  protect  the  men,  and 
they  had  port-holes  in  the  sides,  like  a  modern 
man-of-war,  out  of  which,  not  cannon  balls  and 
bomb-shells  indeed,  but  arrows,  darts,  javelins, 
and  stones  were  projected.  The  boats  were 


1219.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.          271 


Obstinate  conflict 


sent  out,  some  on  the  upper  side  of  the  town 
and  some  on  the  lower,  and  were  placed  in  sta- 
tions where  they  could  most  effectually  reach 
the  Mongul  works.  They  were  the  means  of 
killing  and  wounding  great  multitudes  of  men, 
and  they  greatly  disturbed  and  hindered  the 
besiegers'  operations. 

Still  Elak  persevered.  He  endeavored  to 
shut  up  the  city  on  every  side  as  closely  as 
possible;  but  there  was  on  one  side  a  large 
morass  or  jungle  which  he  could  not  guard, 
and  Timur  received  a  great  many  re-enforce- 
ments, to  take  the  place  of  the  men  who  were 
killed  on  the  walls,  by  that  way.  In  the  mean 
time,  however,  Elak  was  continually  receiving 
re-enforcements  too  from  Prince  Jughi,  who 
was  not  at  a  great  distance,  and  thus  the  strug- 
gle was  continued  with  great  fury. 

At  last  Timur  contrived  an  ingenious  strata- 
gem, by  which  he  hoped  to  cause  his  enemy  to 
fall  into  a  snare.  It  seems  that  there  was  a 
small  island  in  the  river,  not  far  from  the  walls 
of  the  city,  on  which,  before  the  siege  com- 
menced, Timur  had  built  a  fortress,  to  be  held 
as  a  sort  of  advanced  post,  and  had  garrisoned 
the  fortress  with  about  one  thousand  men.  Ti- 
mur now,  in  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the 
Monguls  from  the  city  itself,  sent  a  number  of 


272  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1220. 

The  pretended  deserters.  No  more  stones. 


men  out  from  the  city,  who  pretended  to  be  de- 
serters, and  went  immediately  to  the  Mongul 
camp.  Of  course,  Elak  questioned  them  about 
the  defenses  of  the  city,  in  order  to  learn  where 
the  weak  points  were  for  him  to  attack.  The 
pretended  deserters  advised  him  to  attack  this 
fortress  on  the  island,  saying  that  it  could  very 
easily  be  taken,  and  that  its  situation  was  such 
that,  when  it  was  taken,  the  city  itself  must  sur- 
render, for  it  completely  commanded  the  place. 

So  Elak  caused  his  principal  engines  to  be 
removed  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  opposite  the 
island,  and  employed  all  his  energies  and  spent 
all  his  ammunition  in  shooting  at  the  fortress ; 
but  the  river  was  so  wide,  and  the  walls  of  the 
fortress  were  so  thick  and  so  high,  that  he  made 
very  little  impression.  At  last  his  whole  sup- 
ply of  stones — for  stones  served  in  those  days 
instead  of  cannon  balls — was  exhausted,  and  as 
the  town  was  situated  in  an  alluvial  district, 
in  which  no  stones  were  to  be  found,  he  was 
obliged  to  send  ten  or  twelve  miles  to  the  up- 
land to  procure  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition. 
All  this  consumed  much  time,  and  enabled  the 
garrison  to  recruit  themselves  a  great  deal  and 
to  strengthen  their  defenses. 

The  operations  of  the  siege  were  in  a  great 
measure  suspended  while  the  men  were  obtain- 


1220.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.          273 

Building  of  the  jetty.  The  horsemen  in  the  water. 

ing  a  new  supply  of  stones,  and  the  whole  dis- 
posable force  of  the  army  was  employed  in  go- 
ing back  and  forth  to  bring  them.  At  length 
an  immense  quantity  were  collected ;  but  then 
the  Mongul  general  changed  his  plan.  Instead 
of  throwing  the  stones  from  his  engines  toward 
the  fortress  on  the  island,  which  it  had  been 
proved  was  beyond  his  reach,  he  determined  to 
build  out  a  jetty  into  the  river  toward  it,  so  as 
to  get  a  stand-point  for  his  engines  nearer  the 
walls,  where  they  could  have  some  chance  of 
doing  execution.  So  he  set  his  men  at  work  to 
prepare  fascines,  and  bundles,  and  rafts  of  tim- 
ber, which  were  to  be  loaded  with  the  stones 
and  sunk  in  the  river  to  form  the  foundation 
for  the  proposed  bank.  The  men  would  bring 
the  stones  down  to  the  bank  in  their  hands,  and 
then  horsemen,  who  were  ready  on  the  brink, 
would  take  them,  and,  resting  them  on  the  sad- 
dle, would  drive  their  horses  in  until  they  came 
near  the  place  where  the  stones  were  to  go, 
when  they  would  throw  them  down  and  then 
return  for  others.  In  this  way  they  could  work 
upon  the  jetty  in  many  parts  at  once,  some  be- 
ing employed  in  building  at  the  end  where  it 
abutted  on  the  shore,  while  the  horsemen  were 
laying  the  foundations  at  the  same  time  out  in 
the  middle  of  the  stream.  The  work  of  the 

12—18 


274  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220, 


The  fire-proof  awnings. 


horsemen  was  very  difficult  and  dangerous,  on 
account  of  holes  in  the  sandy  bottom  of  the  riv- 
er, into  which  they  were  continually  sinking. 
Besides  this,  the  garrison  on  the  walls  were  do- 
ing their  utmost  all  the  time  to  impede  the  work 
by  shooting  arrows,  javelins,  stones,  and  fiery 
darts  among  the  workmen,  by  which  means 
vast  numbers,  both  of  men  and  horses,  were 
killed. 

The  Monguls,  however,  persevered,  and,  not- 
withstanding all  the  opposition  which  the  gar- 
rison made,  they  succeeded  in  advancing  the 
mole  which  they  were  building  so  far  that  Ti- 
mur  was  convinced  that  they  would  soon  gain 
so  advantageous  a  position  that  it  would  be  im- 
possible for  him  to  hold  out  against  them.  So 
he  determined  to  attempt  to  make  his  escape. 
His  plan  was  to  embark  on  board  his  boats, 
with  all  his  men,  and  go  down  the  river  in  the 
night. 

In  order  to  prepare  for  this  undertaking,  he 
employed  his  men  secretly  in  building  more 
boats,  until  he  had  in  all  more  than  seventy. 
These  boats  were  kept  out  of  sight,  in  hidden 
places  in  the  river,  until  all  were  ready.  Each 
of  them  was  covered  with  a  sort  of  heavy  awn- 
ing or  roof,  made  of  wet  felt,  which  was  plas- 
tered over  with  a  coating  of  clay  and  vinegar. 


1220.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.         275 


The  fire-boats  and  the  bridg*.  The  bridge  burned. 

This  covering  was  intended  both  to  defend  the 
men  from  missiles  and  the  boats  themselves 
from  being  set  on  fire. 

There  was  one  obstacle  to  the  escape  of  the 
boats  which  it  was  necessary  to  remove  before- 
hand, and  that  was  the  bridge  which  the  Mon- 
guls  had  built  across  the  river,  just  below  the 
town,  when  they  first  came  to  besiege  it.  To 
destroy  this  bridge,  Timur  one  night  made  a 
sally  from  one  of  the  gates,  and  attacked  the 
men  who  were  stationed  to  guard  the  bridge. 
At  the  same  time  he  sent  down  the  current  of 
the  river  a  number  of  great  flat-bottomed  boats, 
filled  with  combustibles  of  various  kinds,  mixed 
with  tar  and  naphtha.  These  combustibles 
were  set  on  fire  before  they  were  launched,  and, 
as  the  current  of  the  river  bore  them  down  one 
after  another  against  the  bridge,  they  set  the 
wooden  piers  and  posts  that  supported  it  on 
fire,  while  the  guard,  being  engaged  with  the 
party  which  had  sallied  from  the  town,  could 
not  go  to  extinguish  the  flames,  and  thus  the 
bridge  was  consumed. 

The  way  being  thus  opened,  Timur  Melek 
very  soon  afterward  embarked  his  family  and 
the  greater  part  of  his  army  on  board  the  boats 
in  the  night;  and,  while  the  Monguls  had  no 
suspicion  of  what  was  going  on,  the  boats  were 


276  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Pursuit  Battle  in  the  river.  The  boats  aground. 

launched,  and  sent  off"  one  after  another  swiftly 
down  the  stream.  Before  morning  came  all 
traces  of  the  party  had  passed  away. 

Very  soon,  however,  the  Mongul  general 
heard  how  his  intended  prey  had  escaped  him, 
and  he  immediately  sent  off  a  strong  detach- 
ment to  follow  the  southern  bank  of  the  river 
and  pursue  the  fugitives.  The  detachment 
soon  overtook  them,  and  then  a  furious  battle 
ensued  between  the  Mongul  horsemen  on  the 
banks  and  in  the  margin  of  the  water  and  the 
men  in  the  boats,  who  kept  the  boats  all  the 
time  as  near  as  possible  to  the  northern  shore. 

Sometimes,  however,  when  the  stream  was 
narrow,  or  when  a  rocky  point  projected  from 
the  northern  shore,  so  as  to  drive  the  boats 
nearer  to  the  Mongul  side,  the  battle  became 
very  fierce  and  bloody.  The  Monguls  drove 
their  horses  far  into  the  water,  so  as  to  be  as 
near  as  possible  to  the  boats,  and  threw  arrows, 
javelins,  and  fiery  darts  at  them,  while  the  Mo- 
hammedans defended  themselves  as  well  as  they 
could  from  their  windows  or  port-holes. 

Things  wenieOn  in  this  way  for  some  time, 
until,  at  length,  the  boats  arrived  at  a  part  of 
the  river  where  the  water  was  so  shallow — be- 
ing obstructed  by  sand-bars  and  shoals — that 
the  boats  fell  aground.  There  was  nothing 


1220.]      BATTLES  AND  SIEGES.         279 

Timor's  adventure.  He  finally  escapes. 

now  for  Timur  to  do  but  to  abandon  the  boats 
and  escape  with,  his  men  to  the  land.  This  he 
succeeded  in  doing;  and,  after  reaching  the 
shore,  he  was  able  to  form  his  men  in  array,  on 
an  elevated  piece  of  ground,  before  Elak  could 
bring  up  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  attack 
him. 

When  the  Monguls  at  length  came  to  attack 
him,  he  beat  them  off  in  the  first  instance,  but 
he  was  obliged  soon  afterward  to  leave  the  field 
and  continue  his  retreat.  Of  course,  he  was 
hotly  pursued  by  the  Monguls.  His  men  be- 
came rapidly  thinned  in  number,  some  being 
killed,  and  others  getting  separated  from  the 
main  body  in  the  confusion  of  the  flight,  until, 
at  last,  Timur  was  left  almost  alone.  At  last 
he  was  himself  on  the  very  point  of  being  taken. 
There  were  three  Monguls  closely  pursuing 
him.  He  turned  round  and  shot  an  arrow  at 
the  foremost  of  the  pursuers.  The  arrow  struck 
the  Mongul  in  the  eye.  The  agony  which  the 
wounded  man  felt  was  so  great  that  the  two 
others  stopped  to  assist  him,  and  in  the  mean 
time  Timur  got  out  of  the  way.  In  due  time, 
and  after  meeting  with  some  other  hairbreadth 
escapes,  he  reached  the  camp  of  the  sultan,  who 
received  him  very  joyfully,  loaded  him  with 
praises  for  the  indomitable  spirit  which  he  had 


280  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220 

The  governor's  family.  Kojend  surrendered. 

evinced,  and  immediately  made  him  governor 
of  another  city. 

In  the  mean  time,  some  of  the  boats  which 
had  been  abandoned  by  the  soldiers  were  got 
off  by  the  men  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of 
them — one  especially,  which  contained  the  fam- 
ily of  Timur.  This  boat  went  quietly  down 
the  river,  and  conveyed  the  family  to  a  place 
of  safety. 

The  city  of  Kojend,  from  which  Timur  and 
his  men  had  fled,  was,  of  course,  now  without 
any  means  of  defense,  and  it  surrendered  the 
very  next  day  to  the  Monguls. 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.        281 

Pursuit  of  the  sultan.  The  two  ladies. 


I 


CHAPTER  XXL 
DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN. 

N  the  mean  time,  while  Jughi  and  the  other 
generals  were  ravaging  the  country  with 
their  detachments,  and  besieging  and  capturing 
all  the  secondary  towns  and  fortresses  that 
came  in  their  way,  as  related  in  the  last  chap- 
ter, Genghis  Khan  himself,  with  the  main  body 
of  the  army,  had  advanced  to  Samarcand  in 
pursuit  of  the  sultan,  who  had,  as  he  supposed, 
taken  shelter  there.  Samarcand  was  the  cap- 
ital of  the  country,  and  was  then,  as  it  has  been 
since,  a  great  and  renowned  city. 

Besides  the  sultan  himself,  whom  Genghis 
Khan  was  pursuing,  there  were  the  ladies  of  his 
family  whom  he  wished  also  to  capture.  The 
two  principal  ladies  were  the  sultana  and  the 
queen-mother.  The  queen-mother  was  a  lady 
of  very  great  distinction.  She  had  been  great- 
ly renowned  during  the  lifetime  of  her  hus- 
band, the  former  sultan,  for  her  learning,  her 
piety,  the  kindness  of  her  heart,  and  the  gen- 
eral excellence  of  her  character,  so  far  as  her 


282  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Character  of  the  queen-mother.  Khatun.  Her  retirement 

dealings  with  her  subjects  and  friends  were 
concerned,  and  her  influence  throughout  the 
realm  had  been  unbounded.  At  some  periods 
of  her  life  she  had  exercised  a  great  deal  of  po- 
litical power,  and  at  one  time  she  bore  the  very 
grand  title  of  Protectress  of  the  faith  of  the  world. 
She  exercised  the  power  which  she  then  pos- 
sessed, in  the  main,  in  a  very  wise  and  bene- 
ficial manner.  She  administered  justice  impar- 
tially. She  protected  the  weak,  and  restrained 
the  oppressions  of  the  strong.  She  listened  to 
all  the  cases  which  were  brought  before  her 
with  great  attention  and  patience,  and  arrived 
almost  always  at  just  conclusions  respecting 
them.  With  all  this,  however,  she  was  very 
strict  and  severe,  and,  as  has  almost  always 
been  the  case  with  women  raised  to  the  posses- 
sion of  irresponsible  power,  she  was  unrelent- 
ing and  cruel  in  the  extreme  whenever,  as  she 
judged,  any  political  necessity  required  her  to 
act  with  decision.  Her  name  was  Khatun.* 

Khatun  was  not  now  at  Samarcand.  She 
was  at  Karazm,  a  city  which  was  the  chief  res- 
idence of  the  court.  She  had  been  living  there 
in  retirement  ever  since  the  death  of  her  hus- 
band, the  present  sultan's  father. 

Samarcand  itself,  as  has  already  been  said, 
*  Pronounced  Cah-twn, 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.       283 

Bamarcand.  Fortifications  of  the  place.  Water-work*. 

was  a  great  and  splendid  city.  Like  most  of 
the  other  cities,  it  was  inclosed  in  a  double  wall, 
though,  in  this  case,  the  outer  wall  surrounded 
the  whole  city,  while  the  inner  one  inclosed 
the  mosque,  the  palace  of  the  sultan,  and  some 
other  public  buildings.  These  walls  were 
much  better  built  and  more  strongly  fortified 
than  those  of  Bokhara.  There  were  twelve 
iron  gates,  it  is  said,  in  the  outer  wall.  These 
gates  were  a  league  apart  from  each  other.  At 
every  two  leagues  along  the  wall  was  a  fort 
capable  of  containing  a  large  body  of  men. 
The  walls  were  likewise  strengthened  with  bat- 
tlements and  towers,  in  which  the  men  could 
fight  under  shelter,  and  they  were  surrounded 
by  a  broad  and  deep  ditch,  to  prevent  an  en- 
emy from  approaching  too  near  to  them,  in 
order  to  undermine  them  or  batter  them  down. 
The  city  was  abundantly  supplied  with  wa- 
ter by  means  of  hydraulic  constructions  as  per- 
fect and  complete  as  could  be  made  in  those 
days.  The  water  was  brought  by  leaden  pipes 
from  a  stream  which  came  down  from  the 
mountains  at  some  distance  from  the  town.  It 
was  conveyed  by  these  pipes  to  every  part  of 
the  town,  and  was  distributed  freely,  so  that 
every  great  street  had  a  little  current  of  water 
running  through  it,  and  every  house  a  fountain 


284  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [122\j. 

Gates  and  towers.  Crowds  of  people  seeking  refuga. 

in  the  court  or  garden.  Besides  this,  in  a  pub- 
lic square  or  park  there  was  a  mound  where 
the  water  was  made  to  spout  up  in  the  centre, 
and  then  flow  down  in  little  rivulets  and  cas- 
cades on  every  side. 

The  gates  and  towers  which  nave  been  de- 
scribed were  in  the  outer  wall,  and  beyond 
them,  in  the  environs,  were  a  great  many  fields, 
gardens,  orchards,  and  beautifully-cultivated 
grounds,  which  produced  fruits  of  all  sorts,  that 
were  sent  by  the  merchants  into  all  the  neigh- 
boring countries.  At  a  little  distance  the  town 
was  almost  entirely  concealed  from  view  by 
these  gardens  and  orchards,  there  being  noth- 
ing to  be  seen  but  minarets,  and  some  of  the 
loftier  roofs  of  the  houses,  rising  above  the 
tops  of  the  trees. 

There  were  so  many  people  who  flocked  into 
Samarcand  from  the  surrounding  country  for 
shelter  and  protection,  when  they  learned  that 
Genghis  Khan  was  coming,  that  the  place  would 
hardly  contain  them.  In  addition  to  these,  the 
sultan  sent  over  one  hundred  thousand  troops 
to  defend  the  town,  with  thirty  generals  to  com- 
mand them.  There  were  twenty  large  ele- 
phants, too,  that  were  brought  with  the  army, 
to  be  employed  in  any  service  which  might  be 
required  of  them  during  the  siege.  This  army, 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.       285 

Encampment.       Arrival  of  the  Monguls.       Dissensions  within  the  city. 

however,  instead  of  entering  the  city  at  once, 
encamped  about  it.  They  strengthened  the  po- 
sition of  the  camp  by  a  deep  ditch  which  they 
dug,  throwing  up  the  earth  from  the  ditch  on 
the  side  toward  the  camp  so  as  to  form  a  re- 
doubt with  which  to  defend  the  ground  from 
the  Monguls.  But  as  soon  as  Genghis  Khan  ar- 
rived they  were  speedily  driven  from  this  post, 
and  forced  to  take  shelter  within  the  walls  of 
the  city.  Here  they  defended  themselves  with 
so  much  vigor  and  resolution  that  Genghis 
Khan  would  probably  have  found  it  very  dim- 
cult  to  take  the  town  had  it  not  been  for  dis- 
sensions within  the  walls.  It  seems  that  the 
rich  merchants  and  other  wealthy  men  of  the 
city,  being  convinced  that  the  place  would  soon- 
er or  later  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Monguls, 
thought  it  would  be  better  to  surrender  it  at 
once,  while  they  were  in  a  condition  to  make 
some  terms  by  which  they  might  hope  to  save 
their  lives,  and  perhaps  their  property. 

But  the  generals  would  not  listen  to  any  prop- 
osition of  this  kind.  They  had  been  sent  by 
the  sultan  to  defend  the  town,  and  they  felt 
bound  in  honor,  in  obedience  to  their  orders,  to 
fight  in  defense  of  it  to  the  last  extremity. 

The  dissension  within  the  city  grew  more 
and  more  violent  every  day,  until  at  length  the 


286  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

A  deputation.  Massacre.  Escape  of  the  governor. 

party  of  the  inhabitants  grew  so  strong  and  de- 
cided that  they  finally  took  possession  of  one  of 
the  gates,  and  sent  a  large  deputation,  consist- 
ing of  priests,  magistrates,  and  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal citizens,  to  Genghis  Khan,  bearing  with 
them  the  keys  of  the  town,  and  proposing  to 
deliver  them  up  to  him  if  he  would  spare  the 
garrison  and  the  inhabitants.  But  he  said  he 
would  make  no  terms  except  with  those  who 
were  of  their  party  and  were  willing  to  surren- 
'der.  In  respect  to  the  generals  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison  he  would  make  no  promises. 

The  deputation  gave  up  the  keys  and  Gen- 
ghis Khan  entered  the  city.  The  inhabitants 
were  spared,  but  the  soldiers  were  massacred 
wherever  they  could  be  found.  A  great  many 
perished  in  the  streets.  A  considerable  body 
of  them,  however,  with  the  governor  at  their 
head,  retreated  within  the  inner  wall,  and  there 
defended  themselves  desperately  for  four  days. 
At  the  end  of  that  time,  finding  that  their  case 
was  hopeless,  and  knowing  that  they  could  ex- 
pect no  quarter  from  the  Monguls  in  any  event, 
they  resolved  to  make  a  sally  and  cut  their  way 
through  the  ranks  of  their  enemies  at  all  haz- 
ards. The  governor,  accordingly,  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  troop  of  one  thousand  horse, 
and,  coming  out  suddenly  from  his  retreat,  he 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.       287 


Forlorn  condition  of  the  sultan. 


dashed  through  the  camp  at  a  time  when  the 
Monguls  were  off  their  guard,  and  so  gained  the 
open  country  and  made  his  escape.  All  the 
soldiers  that  remained  behind  in  the  city  were 
immediately  put  to  the  sword. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  sultan  himself,  finding 
that  his  affairs  were  going  to  ruin,  retreated 
from  province  to  province,  accompanied  by  as 
large  a  force  as  he  could  keep  together,  and 
vainly  seeking  to  find  some  place  of  safety.  He 
had  several  sons,  and  among  them  two  whose 
titles  were  Jalaloddin  and  Kothboddin.  Jala- 
loddin  was  the  oldest,  and  was  therefore  natu- 
rally entitled  to  be  his  father's  successor ;  but, 
for  some  reason  or  other,  the  queen-mother, 
Khatun,  had  taken  a  dislike  to  him,  and  had 
persuaded  her  son,  the  sultan,  to  execute  a  sort 
of  act  or  deed  by  which  Jalaloddin  was  dis- 
placed, and  Kothboddin,  who  was  a  great  fa- 
vorite of  hers,  was  made  heir  to  the  throne  in 
his  place. 

The  sultan  had  other  sons  who  were  govern- 
ors of  different  provinces,  and  he  fled  from  one 
to  another  of  these,  seeking  in  vain  for  some 
safe  retreat.  But  he  could  find  none.  He  was 
hunted  from  place  to  place  by  detachments  of 
the  Monguls,  and  the  number  of  his  attendants 
and  followers  was  continually  diminishing,  un- 


288  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

The  sultan  sends  away  his  treasures.       His  flight  and  his  despondency. 

til  at  last  he  began  to  be  completely  discour- 
aged. 

At  length,  at  one  of  the  cities  where  he  made 
a  short  stay,  he  delivered  to  an  officer  named 
Omar,  who  was  the  steward  of  his  household, 
ten  coffers  sealed  with  the  royal  signet,  with  in- 
structions to  take  them  secretly  to  a  certain  dis- 
tant fortress  and  lock  them  up  carefully  there, 
without  allowing  any  one  to  know  that  he 
did  it. 

These  coffers  contained  the  royal  jewels,  and 
they  were  of  inestimable  value. 

After  this,  one  of  his  sons  joined  him  with 
quite  a  large  force,  but  very  soon  a  large  body 
of  Monguls  came  up,  and,  after  a  furious  battle, 
the  sultan's  troops  were  defeated  and  scatter- 
ed in  all  directions ;  and  he  was  again  obliged 
to  fly,  accompanied  by  a  very  small  body  of 
officers,  who  still  contrived  to  keep  near  him. 
With  these  he  succeeded,  at  last,  in  reaching  a 
very  retired  town  near  the  Caspian  Sea,  where 
he  hoped  to  remain  concealed.  His  strength 
was  now  spent,  and  all  his  courage  gone.  He 
sank  down  into  a  condition  of  the  greatest  de- 
spondency and  distress,  and  spent  his  time  in 
going  to  the  mosque  and  offering  up  prayers  to 
God  to  save  him  from  total  ruin.  He  made 
confession  of  his  sins,  and  promised  an  entire 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.        289 

Narrow  escape.  Rage  of  his  pursuers, 

amendment  of  life  if  the  Almighty  would  de- 
liver him  from  his  enemies  and  restore  him  to 
his  throne. 

At  last  the  Mongul  detachment  that  was  in 
pursuit  of  him  in  that  part  of  the  country  were 
informed  by  a  peasant  where  he  was ;  and  one 
day,  while  he  was  at  his  prayers  in  the  mosque, 
word  was  brought  to  him  that  the  Monguls 
were  coming.  He  rushed  out  of  the  mosque, 
and,  guided  by  some  friends,  ran  down  to  the 
shore  and  got  into  a  boat,  with  a  view  of  es- 
caping by  sea,  all  retreat  by  land  being  now 
cut  off. 

He  had  scarce  got  on  board  the  boat  when 
the  Monguls  appeared  on  the  shore.  The  men 
in  the  boat  immediately  pushed  off.  The  Mon- 
guls, full  of  disappointment  and  rage,  shot  at 
them  with  their  arrows ;  but  the  sultan  was  not 
struck  by  any  of  them,  and  was  soon  out  of  the 
reach  of  his  pursuers. 

The  sultan  lay  in  the  boat  almost  helpless, 
being  perfectly  exhausted  by  the  terror  and 
distress  which  he  had  endured.  He  soon  be- 
gan to  suffer,  too,  from  an  intense  pain  in  the 
chest  and  side,  which  gradually  became  so  se- 
vere that  he  could  scarcely  breathe.  The  men 
with  him  in  the  boat,  finding  that  he  was  seri- 
ously sick,  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  a  small 
12—19 


290  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Visit  from  his  eon  Jalaloddin.  His  dying  words. 

island  named  Abiskun,  which  is  situated  near 
the  southeastern  corner  of  the  sea.  Here  they 
pitched  a  tent,  and  made  up  a  bed  in  it,  as  well 
as  they  could,  for  the  sufferer.  They  also  sent 
a  messenger  to  the  shore  to  bring  off  a  physi- 
cian secretly.  The  physician  did  all  that  was 
in  his  power,  but  it  was  too  late.  The  inflam- 
mation and  the  pain  subsided  after  a  time,  but 
it  was  evident  that  the  patient  was  sinking,  and 
that  he  was  about  to  die. 

It  happened  that  the  sultan's  son,  Jalaloddin, 
the  one  who  had  been  set  aside  in  i'avor  of  his 
brother  Kothboddin,  was  at  this  time  on  the 
main  land  not  far  from  the  island,  and  intelli- 
gence was  communicated  to  him  of  his  father's 
situation.  He  immediately  went  to  the  island 
to  see  him,  taking  with  him  two  of  his  broth- 
ers. They  were  obliged  to  manage  the  busi- 
ness very  secretly,  to  prevent  the  Monguls  from 
finding  out  what  was  going  on. 

On  the  arrival  of  Jalaloddin,  the  sultan  ex- 
pressed great  satisfaction  in  seeing  him,  and  he 
revoked  the  decree  by  which  he  had  been  su- 
perseded in  the  succession. 

"  You,  my  son,"  said  he,  "  are,  after  all,  the 
one  among  all  my  children  who  is  best  able  to 
revenge  me  on  the  Monguls;  therefore  I  re- 
voke the  act  which  I  formerly  executed  at  the 


1220.J    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.        291 

Death  and  burial.  Khatun  at  Karazin. 

request  of  the  queen,  my  mother,  in  favor  of 
Kothboddin." 

He  then  solemnly  appointed  Jalaloddin  to 
be  his  successor,  and  enjoined  upon  the  other 
princes  to  be  obedient  and  faithful  to  him  as 
their  sovereign.  He  also  formally  delivered  to 
him  his  sword  as  the  esmblem  and  badge  of  the 
supreme  power  which  he  thus  conferred  upon 
him. 

Soon  after  this  the  sultan  expired.  The  at- 
tendants buried  the  body  secretly  on  the  island 
for  fear  of  the  Monguls.  They  washed  it  care- 
fully before  the  interment,  according  to  custom, 
and  then  put  on  again  a  portion  of  the  same 
dress  which  the  sultan  had  worn  when  living, 
having  no  means  of  procuring  or  making  any 
other  shroud. 

As  for  Khatun,  the  queen-mother,  when  she 
heard  the  tidings  of  her  son's  death,  and  was 
informed,  at  the  same  time,  that  her  favorite 
Kothboddin  had  been  set  aside,  and  Jalalod- 
din, whom  she  hated,  and  who,  she  presumed, 
hated  her,  had  been  made  his  successor,  she 
was  in  a  great  rage.  She  was  at  that  time  at 
Karazm,  which  was  the  capital,  and  she  at- 
tempted to  persuade  the  officers  and  soldiers 
near  her  not  to  submit  to  the  sultan's  decree,  but 
to  make  Kothboddin  their  sovereign  after  all. 


292  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1220. 

Her  cruelty  to  her  captives.  Dissension. 

While  she  was  engaged  in  forming  this  con- 
spiracy, the  news  reached  the  city  that  the  Mon- 
guls  were  coming.  Khatun  immediately  de- 
termined to  flee  to  save  her  life.  She  had,  it 
seems,  in  her  custody  at  Karazm  twelve  chil- 
dren, the  sons  of  various  princes  that  reigned 
in  different  parts  of  the  empire  or  in  the  envi- 
rons of  it.  These  children  were  either  held  as 
hostages,  or  had  been  made  captive  in  insurrec- 
tions and  wars,  and  were  retained  in  prison  as 
a  punishment  to  their  fathers.  The  queen- 
mother  found  that  she  could  not  take  these 
children  with  her,  and  so  she  ordered  them  all 
to  be  slain.  She  was  afraid  that  the  Monguls, 
when  they  came,  might  set  them  free. 

As  soon  as  she  was  gone  the  city  fell  into 
great  confusion  on  account  of  the  struggles  for 
power  between  the  two  parties  of  Jalaloddin 
and  Kothboddin.  But  the  sultana,  who  had 
made  the  mischief,  did  not  trouble  herself  to 
know  how  it  would  end.  Her  only  anxiety 
was  to  save  her  own  life.  After  various  wan- 
derings and  adventures,  she  at  last  found  her 
way  into  a  very  retired  district  of  country  ly- 
ing on  the  'southern  shore  of  the  Caspian,  be- 
tween the  mountains  and  the  sea,  and  here  she 
sought  refuge  in  a  castle  or  fortress  named  Ilan, 
where  she  thought  she  was  secure  from  all  pur- 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.        293 

Khatun'a  escape.       Her  obstinacy.       Cause  of  her  hatred  of  Jalaloddin. 

suit.  She  brought  with  her  to  the  castle  her 
jewels  and  all  her  most  valuable  .treasures. 

But  Genghis  Khan  had  spies  in  every  part 
of  the  country,  and  he  was  soon  informed  where 
Khatun  was  concealed.  So  he  sent  a  messen- 
ger to  a  certain  Mongul  general  named  Hubbe 
Nevian,  who  was  commanding  a  detachment  in 
that  part  of  the  country,  informing  him  that 
Khatun  was  in  the  castle  of  Ilan,  and  com- 
manding him  to  go  and  lay  siege  to  it,  and  to 
take  it  at  all  hazards,  and  to  bring  Khatun  to 
him  either  dead  or  alive. 

Hubbe  immediately  set  off  for  the  castle. 
The  queen-mother,  however,  had  notice  of  his 
approach,  and  the  lords  who  were  with  her 
urged  her  to  fly.  If  she  would  go  with  them, 
they  said,  they  would  take  her  to  Jalaloddin, 
and  he  would  protect  her.  But  she  would  not 
listen  to  any  such  proposal.  She  hated  Jala- 
loddin so  intensely  that  she  would  not,  even  to 
save  her  life,  put  herself  under  his  power.  The 
very  worst  possible  treatment,  she  said,  that 
she  could  receive  from  the  Monguls  would  be 
more  agreeable  to  her  than  the  greatest  favors 
from  the  hand  of  Jalaloddin. 

The  ground  of  this  extreme  animosity  which 
she  felt  toward  Jalaloddin  was  not  any  person- 
al animosity  to  him;  it  arose  simply  from  an 


29-1  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

The  siege  of  the  fortress.  The  governor's  hopes. 

ancient  and  long-continued  dislike  and  hatred 
which  she  had  borne  against  his  mother ! 

So  Khatun  refused  to  retire  from  the  dan- 
ger, and  soon  afterward  the  horde  of  Monguls 
arrived,  and  pitched  their  camp  before  the  cas- 
tle walls. 

For  three  months  Hubbe  and  his  Monguls 
continued  to  ply  the  walls  of  the  fortress  with 
battering-rams  and  other  engines,  in  order  to 
force  their  way  in,  but  in  vain.  The  place 
was  too  strong  for  them.  At  length  Genghis 
Khan,  hearing  how  the  case  stood,  sent  word  to 
them  to  give  up  the  attempt  to  make  a  breach, 
and  to  invest  the  place  closely  on  all  sides,  so 
as  to  allow  no  person  to  go  out  or  to  come  in ; 
in  that  way,  he  said,  the  garrison  would  soon 
be  starved  into  a  surrender. 

When  the  governor  of  the  castle  saw,  by  the 
arrangements  which  Hubbe  made  in  obedience 
to  this  order,  that  this  was  the  course  that  was 
to  be  pursued,  he  said  he  was  not  uneasy,  for 
his  magazines  were  full  of  provisions,  and  as  to 
water,  the  rain  which  fell  very  copiously  there 
among  the  mountains  always  afforded  an  abund- 
ant supply. 

But  the  governor  was  mistaken  in  his  calcu- 
lations in  respect  to  the  rain.  It  usually  fell 
very  frequently  in  that  region,  but  after  the 


1220.]    DEATH  OF  THE  SULTAN.       295 

Want  of  rain.  Great  suffering.  The  queen  made  captive. 

blockade  of  the  fortress  commenced,  for  three 
weeks  there  was  not  the  smallest  shower.  The 
people  of  the  country  around  thought  this  fail- 
ure of  the  rain  was  a  special  judgment  of  heaven 
against  the  queen  for  the  murder  of  the  chil- 
dren, and  for  her  various  other  crimes.  It  was, 
indeed,  remarkable,  for  in  ordinary  times  the 
rain  was  so  frequent  that  the  people  of  all  that 
region  depended  upon  it  entirely  for  their  sup- 
ply of  water,  and  never  found  it  necessary  to 
search  for  springs  or  to  dig  wells. 

The  sufferings  of  the  people  within  the  for- 
tress for  want  of  water  were  very  great.  Many 
of  them  died  in  great  misery,  and  at  length  the 
provisions  began  to  fail  too,  and  Khatun  was 
compelled  to  allow  the  governor  to  surrender. 

The  Monguls  immediately  seized  the  queen, 
and  took  possession  of  all  her  treasures.  They 
also  took  captive  all  the  lords  and  ladies  who 
had  attended  her,  and  the  women  of  her  house- 
hold, and  owo  or  three  of  her  great-grandchil- 
dren, whom  she  had  brought  with  her  in  her 
flight.  All  these  persons  were  sent  under  a 
strong  guard  to  Genghis  Khan. 

Genghis  Khan  retained  the  queen  as  a  cap- 
tive for  some  time,  and  treated  her  in  a  very 
cruel  and  barbarous  manner.  He  would  some- 
times order  her  to  be  brought  into  his  tent,  at 


296  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

a! 

Cruel  treatment  of  tht  cju««n-aiother. 

the  end  of  his  dinner,  that  he  might  enjoy  his 
triumph  by  insulting  and  deriding  her.  On 
these  occasions  he  would  throw  her  scraps  of 
food  from  the  table  as  if  she  had  been  a  dog. 

He  took  away  the  children  from  her  too,  all 
but  one,  whom  he  left  with  her  a  while  to  com- 
fort her,  as  he  said  ;  but  one  day  an  officer  came 
and  seized  this  one  from  her  very  arms,  while 
she  was  dressing  him  and  combing  his  hair. 
This  last  blow  caused  her  a  severer  pang  than 
any  that  she  had  before  endured,  and  left  her 
utterly  disconsolate  and  heart-broken. 

Some  accounts  say  that  soon  after  this  she 
was  put  to  death,  but  others  state  that  Genghis 
Khan  retained  her  several  years  as  a  captive, 
and  carried  her  to  and  fro  in  triumph  in  his 
train  through  the  countries  over  which  she  had 
formerly  reigned  with  so  much  power  and 
splendor.  She  deserved  her  sufferings,  it  is 
true ;  but  Genghis  Khan  was  none  the  less 
guilty,  on  that  account,  for  treating  her  so 
cruelly. 


1220.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       297 

: . &. 

Continued  conquests.  Efforts  of  Jalaloddin. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 
VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS. 

AFTER  this  Genghis  Khan  went  on  suc- 
cessfully for  several  years,  extending  his 
conquests  over  all  the  western  part  of  Central 
Asia,  while  the  generals  whom  he  had  left  at 
home  were  extending  his  dominions  in  the  same 
manner  in  the  eastern  portion.  He  overran 
nearly  all  of  Persia,  went  entirely  around  the 
Caspian  Sea,  and  even  approached  the  confines 
of  India. 

In  this  expedition  toward  India  he  was  in 
pursuit  of  Jalaloddin.  Immediately  after  the 
death  of  his  father,  Jalaloddin  had  done  all  in 
his  power  to  raise  an  army  and  carry  on  the 
war  against  Genghis  Khan.  He  met  with  a 
great  deal  of  embarrassment  and  difficulty  at 
first,  on  account  of  the  plots  and  conspiracies 
which  his  grandmother  had  organized  in  favor 
jf  his  brother  Kothboddin,  and  the  dissensions 
among  his  people  to  which  they  gave  rise.  At 
last,  in  the  course  of  a  year,  he  succeeded,  in 
some  measure,  in  healing  this  breach  and  in 


298  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Jalaloddin  becomes  discouraged.  The  governor's  advice. 

raising  an  army ;  and,  though  he  was  not  strong 
enough  to  fight  the  Monguls  in  a  general  bat- 
tle, he  hung  about  them  in  their  march  and 
harassed  them  in  various  ways,  so  as  to  impede 
their  operations  very  essentially.  Genghis 
Khan  from  time  to  time  sent  off  detachments 
from  his  army  to  take  him.  He  was  often  de- 
feated in  the  engagements  which  ensued,  out 
he  always  succeeded  in  saving  himself  and 
in  keeping  together  a  portion  of  his  men,  and 
thus  he  maintained  himself  in  the  field,  though 
he  was  growing  weaker  and  weaker  all  the 
time. 

At  last  he  became  completely  discouraged, 
and,  after  signal  defeat  which  he  met  with  from 
a  detachment  which  had  been  sent  against 
him  by  Genghis  Khan,  he  went,  with  the  few 
troops  that  remained  together,  to  a  strong  for- 
tress among  the  mountains,  and  told  the  govern- 
or that  it  seemed  to  him  useless  to  continue  the 
struggle  any  longer,  and  that  he  had  come  to 
shut  himself  up  in  the  fortress,  and  abandon  the 
contest  in  despair. 

The  governor,  however,  told  him  that  it  was 
not  right  for  a  prince,  the  descendant  of  ances- 
tors so  illustrious  as  his,  and  the  inheritor  of  so 
resplendent  a  crown,  to  yield  to  discouragement 
and  despondency  on  account  of  the  reverses  of 


1220.]  VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       299 

Renewed  exertions.  Stratagem.  Fictitious  soldiers. 


fortune.  He  advised  him  again  to  take  the 
field,  and  to  raise  a  new  army,  and  continue  the 
contest  to  the  end. 

Jalaloddin  determined  to  follow  this  advice, 
and,  after  a  brief  period  of  repose  at  the  castle, 
he  again  took  the  field. 

He  made  great  exertions,  and  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  together  about  twenty  thou- 
sand men.  This  was  a  small  force,  it  is  true, 
compared  with  the  numbers  of  the  enemy;  but 
it  was  sufficient,  if  well  managed,  to  enable  the 
prince  to  undertake  operations  of  considerable 
importance,  and  Jalaloddin  began  to  feel  some- 
what encouraged  again.  With  his  twenty 
thousand  men  he  gained  one  or  two  victories 
too,  which  encouraged  him  still  more.  In  one 
of  these  cases  he  defeated  rather  a  singular 
stratagem  which  the  Mongul  general  contrived. 
It  seems  that  the  Mongul  detachment  which 
was  sent  out  in  this  instance  against  Jalaloddin 
was  not  strong  enough,  and  the  general,  in  or- 
der to  make  Jalaloddin  believe  that  his  force 
was  greater  than  it  really  was,  ordered  all  the 
felt  caps  and  cloaks  that  there  were  in  the 
army  to  be  stuffed  with  straw,  and  placed  on 
the  horses  and  camels  of  the  baggage,  in  order 
to  arive  the  appearance  of  a  second  line  of  re- 
in  the  rear  of  the  line  of  real  soldiers. 


300  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Quarrel  about  a  horse.  Disaffection, 

This  was  to  induce  Jalaloddin  to  surrendei 
without  fighting. 

But  in  some  way  or  other  Jalaloddin  detected 
the  deceit,  and,  instead  of  surrendering,  fought 
the  Monguls  with  great  vigor,  and  defeated 
them.  He  gained  a  very  decided  victory,  and 
perhaps  this  might  have  been  the  beginning  of 
a  change  of  fortune  for  him  if,  unfortunately, 
his  generals  had  not  quarreled  about  the  divi- 
sion of  the  spoil.  There  was  a  beautiful  Ara- 
bian horse  which  two  of  his  leading  generals 
desired  to  possess,  and  each  claimed  it.  The 
dispute  became,  at  last,  so  violent  that  one  of 
the  generals  struck  the  other  in  his  face  with 
the  lash  of  his  whip.  Upon  this  the  feud  be- 
came a  deadly  one.  Both  parties  appealed  to 
Jalaloddin.  He  did  not  wish  to  make  either 
general  an  enemy  by  deciding  in  favor  of  the 
other,  and  so  he  tried  to  compromise  the  mat- 
ter. He  did  not  succeed  in  doing  this;  and 
one  of  the  generals,  mortally  offended,  went 
off  in  the  night,  taking  with  him  all  that  por- 
tion of  the  troops  which  was  under  his  com- 
mand. 

Jalaloddin  did  every  thing  in  his  power  to 
bring  the  disaffected  general  back  again ;  but, 
before  he  could  accomplish  this  purpose,  Gen- 
ghis Khan  came  up  with  a  large  force  between 


1220.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       301 


Great  battle  in  the  defile. 


the  two  parties,  and  prevented  their  effecting  a 
junction. 

Jalaloddin  had  now  no  alternative  but  to  re- 
treat. Genghis  Khan  followed  him,  and  it  was 
in  this  way  that,  after  a  time,  both  the  armies 
reached  the  banks  of  the  Indus,  on  the  borders 
of  India. 

Jalaloddin,  being  closely  pursued,  took  his 
position  in  a  narrow  defile  near  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  here  a  great  battle  was  fought  among 
the  rocks  and  precipices.  Jalaloddin,  it  is  said, 
had  only  thirty  thousand  men  at  his  command, 
while  Genghis  Khan  was  at  the  head  of  an 
army  of  three  hundred  thousand.  The  num- 
bers in  both  cases  are  probably  greatly  exag- 
gerated, but  the  proportion  may  perhaps  be 
true. 

It  was  only  a  small  portion  of  the  Mongul 
army  that  could  get  into  the  defile  where  the 
sultan's  troops  had  posted  themselves ;  and  so 
desperately  did  the  latter  fight,  that  it  is  said 
they  killed  twenty  thousand  of  the  Monguls 
before  they  gave  in.  In  fact,  they  fought  like 
wild  beasts,  with  desperate  and  unremitting 
fury,  all  day  long.  Toward  night  it  became 
evident  to  Jalaloddin  that  it  was  all  over  with 
him.  A  large  portion  of  his  followers  were 
killed.  Some  had  made  their  escape  across  the 


802  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Orders  to  take  Jalaloddin  alive.  He  takes  leave  of  his  family. 

river,  though  many  of  those  who  sought  to  do 
so  were  drowned  in  the  attempt.  The  rest  of 
his  men  were  completely  exhausted  and  dis- 
couraged, and  wholly  unable  to  renew  the  con- 
test on  the  following  day. 

Jalaloddin  had  exposed  himself  very  freely 
in  the  fight,  in  hopes,  perhaps,  that  he  should 
be  killed.  But  Genghis  Khan  had  given  posi- 
tive orders  that  he  should  be  taken  alive.  He 
had  even  appointed  two  of  his  generals  to  watch 
carefully,  and  to  see  that  no  person  should,  un- 
der any  circumstances,  kill  him.  He  wished  to 
take  him  alive,  in  order  to  lead  him  through 
the  country  a  prisoner,  and  exhibit  him  to  his 
former  subjects  as  a  trophy  of  his  victory,  just 
as  he  had  done  and  was  still  doing  with  the 
old  queen  Khatun,  his  grandmother. 

But  Jalaloddin  was  determined  that  his  con- 
queror should  not  enjoy  this  pleasure.  He  re- 
solved to  attempt  to  save  himself  by  swimming 
the  river.  He  accordingly  went  first,  breath- 
less, and  covered  with  dust  and  blood  from  the 
fight,  to  take  a  hurried  leave  of  his  mother,  his 
wives,  and  his  children,  who,  as  was  customary 
in  those  countries  and  times,  had  accompanied 
him  in  his  campaign.  He  found  them  in  his 
tent,  full  of  anxiety  and  terror.  He  took  leave 
of  them  with  much  sorrow  and  many  tears,  try- 


1220.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       303 

IJis  escape  across  the  river.  His  defiance  of  hu  pursuers. 

ing  to  comfort  them  with  the  hope  that  they 
should  meet  again  in  happier  times.  Then  he 
took  off  his  armor  and  his  arms,  in  order  that 
he  might  not  be  impeded  in  crossing  the  river, 
reserving,  however,  his  sword  and  bow,  and  a 
quiver  full  of  arrows.  He  then  mounted  a  fresh 
horse  and  rode  toward  the  river. 

When  he  reached  the  bank  of  the  river,,  the 
horse  found  the  current  so  rapid  and  the  agita- 
tion of  the  water  so  great  that  he  was  very  un- 
willing to  advance ;  but  Jalaloddin  spurred  him 
in.  Indeed,  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost;  for 
scarcely  had  he  reached  the  shore  when  Gen- 
ghis Khan  himself,  and  a  party  of  Monguls,  ap- 
peared in  view,  advancing  to  seize  him.  They 
stopped  on  the  bank  when  they  saw  Jalaloddin 
ride  into  the  water  among  the  rocks  and  whirl- 
pools. They  did  not  dare  to  follow  him,  but 
they  remained  at  the  water-side  to  see  how  his 
pejdlQusjad venture  would  end. 

As  soon  as  Jalaloddin  found  that  he  was  out 
of  their  reach,  he  stopped  at  a  place  where  his 
horse  found  a  foothold,  and  turned  round  to- 
ward his  pursuers  with  looks  of  hatred  and  dej 
fiance.  He  then  drew  his  bow,  and  began  to 
shoot  at  them  with  his  arrows,  and  he  contin- 
ued to  shoot  until  all  the  arrows  in  his  quiver 
were  exhausted.  Some  of  the  more  daring  of 


804  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1220. 

Struggles  of  the  horse.  Night  spent  in  a  tree. 

the  Monguls  proposed  to  Genghis  Khan  that 
they  should  swim  out  and  try  to  take  him.  But 
Genghis  Khan  would  not  allow  them  to  go.  He 
said  the  attempt  would  be  useless. 

"  You  can  do  nothing  at  all  with  him,"  said 
he.  "A  man  of  such  cool  and  determined 
bravery  as  that  will  defy  and  defeat  all  your 
attempts.  Any  father  might  be  proud  to  have 
such  a  son,  and  any  son  proud  to  be  descended 
from  such  a  father." 

When  his  arrows  were  all  expended,  Jalalod- 
din  took  to  the  river  again ;  and  his  horse,  aft- 
er a  series  of  most  desperate  struggles  among 
the  whirlpools  and  oddies,  and  the  boiling  surges 
which  swept  around  the  rocks,  succeeded  at 
length  in  carrying  his  master  over.  The  prog- 
ress of  the  horse  was  watched  with  great  inter- 
est by  Genghis  Khan  and  his  party  from  the 
shore  as  long  as  they  could  see  him. 

As  soon  as  Jalaloddin  landed,  and  had  recov- 
ered a  little  from  the  fatigue  and  excitement  of 
the  passage,  he  began  to  look  around  him,  and 
to  consider  what  was  next  to  be  done.  He 
found  himself  entirely  alone,  in  a  wild  and  sol- 
itary place,  which  he  had  reason  to  fear  was  in- 
fested with  tigers  and  other  ferocious  beasts  of 
prey,  such  as  haunt  the  jungles  in  India.  Night 
was  coming  on  too,  and  there  were  no  signs  of 


Iz20.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       305 

Jilaloddin  meets  with  friends.  Large  body  of  men  escaped. 

any  habitations  or  of  any  shelter.  So  he  fast- 
ened his  horse  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  climb- 
ed up  himself  among  the  branches,  and  in  this 
•way  passed  the  night. 

The  next  morning  he  came  down  and  began 
to  walk  along  the  bank  of  the  river  to  see  what 
he  could  find.  He  was  in  a  state  of  great  anx- 
iety and  distress.  Suddenly,  to  his  great  relief 
and  joy,  he  came  upon  a  small  troop  of  soldiers, 
accompanied  by  some  officers,  who  had  escaped 
across  the  river  from  the  battle  as  he  had  done. 
Three  of  these  officers  were  his  particular 
friends,  and  he  was  overjoyed  to  see  them. 
They  had  made  their  way  across  the  river  in  a 
boat  which  they  had  found  upon  the  bank  at 
the  beginning  of  the  defeat  of  the  army.  They 
had  spent  the  whole  night  in  the  boat,  being  in 
great  danger  from  the  shoals  and  shelving  rocks, 
and  from  the  impetuosity  of  the  current.  Final- 
ly, toward  morning,  they  had  landed,  not  far 
from  the  place  where  Jalaloddin  found  them. 

Not  long  after  this  he  came  upon  a  troop  of 
three  hundred  horsemen,  who  had  escaped  by 
swimming  the  river  at  a  place  where  the  wa- 
ter was  more  smooth,  at  some  distance  below. 
These  men  told  him  that  about  six  miles  far- 
ther down  the  stream  there  was  a  body  of  about 
four  thousand  men  who  had  made  their  escape 

12—20 


306  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Pressing  wants.  Timely  aid  from  Jamalarraiad. 

in  a  similar  manner.  On  assembling  these  men, 
Jalaloddin  found  himself  once  more  at  the  head 
of  a  considerable  force. 

The  immediate  wants  of  the  men  were,  how- 
ever,  extremely  pressing,  for  they  were  all  whol- 
ly destitute  of  food  and  of  every  other  neces- 
sary, and  Jalaloddin  would  have  been  greatiy 
embarrassed  to  provide  for  them  had  it  not 
been  for  the  thoughtfulness  and  fidelity  of  one 
of  the  officers  of  his  household  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  This  officer's  name  was  Jamaiar- 
razad.  As  soon  as  he  found  that  his  master 
had  crossed  the  river,  knowing,  too,  that  a  great 
number  of  the  troops  had  attempted  to  cross  be- 
sides, and  that,  in  all  probability,  many  of  them 
had  succeeded  in  reaching  the  other  bank,  who 
would  all  be  greatly  in  want  of  provisions  and 
stores  the  next  morning,  he  went  to  work  at 
once,  during  the  night,  and  loaded  a  very  large 
boat  with  provisions,  arms,  money,  and  stuff  to 
make  clothing  for  the  soldiers.  He  succeeded 
in  getting  off  in  this  boat  before  his  plan  was 
discovered  by  the  Monguls,  and  in  the  course 
of  the  next  morning  he  reached  the  opposite 
bank  with  it,  and  thus  furnished  to  Jalaloddin 
an  abundant  provision  for  his  immediate  neces- 
sities. 

Jalaloddin  was  so  much  pleased  with  the 


1220.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.      307 

.Fate  of  the  sultan's  family.         Sunken  treasures.         Jalaloddin's  end. 

conduct  of  Jamalarrazad  in  this  affair  that  he 
appointed  him  at  once  to  a  very  high  and  re- 
sponsible office  in  his  service,  and  gave  him  a 
new  title  of  honor. 

In  the  mean  time,  Genghis  Khan,  on  the  oth- 
er side  of  the  river,  took  possession  the  next 
morning  of  Jalaloddin's  camp.  Of  course,  the 
family  of  the  sultan  fell  into  his  hands.  The 
emperor  ordered  all  the  males  to  be  killed,  but 
he  reserved  the  women  for  a  different  fate. 
Among  the  persons  killed  was  a  boy  about 
eight  years  old,  Jalaloddin's  oldest  son. 

Jalaloddin  had  ordered  his  treasure  to  be 
sunk  in  the  river,  intending,  probably,  to  come 
back  and  recover  it  at  some  future  time.  But 
Genghis  Khan  found  out  in  some  way  where  it 
was  sunk,  and  he  sent  divers  down  for  it,  and 
thus  obtained  possession  of  it  as  a  part  of  his 
booty. 

After  this,  Jalaloddin  remained  five  or  six 
years  in  India,  where  he  joined  himself  and  his 
army  with  some  of  the  princes  of  that  country, 
and  fought  many  campaigns  there.  At  length, 
when  a  favorable  opportunity  occurred,  he  came 
back  to  his  own  country,  and  fought  some  time 
longer  against  the  Monguls  there,  but  he  never 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  any  substan- 
tial .power. 


308  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Sieges.  Logs  instead  of  stones  for  ammunition. 

Genghis  Khan  continued  after  this  for  two 
or  three  years  in  the  Mohammedan  countries 
of  the  western  part  of  Asia,  and  extended  his 
conquests  there  in  every  direction.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  follow  his  movements  in  detail.  It 
would  only  be  a  repetition  of  the  same  tale 
of  rapine,  plunder,  murder,  and  devastation. 
Sometimes  a  city  would  surrender  at  once,  when 
the  conqueror  approached  the  gates,  by  sending 
out  a  deputation  of  the  magistrates  and  other 
principal  inhabitants  with  the  keys  of  the  city, 
and  with  magnificent  presents,  in  hopes  to  ap- 
pease him.  And  they  usually  so  far  succeeded 
in  this  as  to  put  the  Mongul  soldiery  in  good- 
humor,  so  that  they  would  content  themselves 
with  ransacking  and  plundering  the  place,  leav- 
ing the  inhabitants  alive.  At  other  times  the 
town  would  attempt  to  resist.  The  Monguls 
would  then  build  engines  to  batter  down  the 
walls,  and  to  hurl  great  stones  over  among  the 
besieged.  In  many  instances  there  was  great 
difficulty  in  obtaining  a  sufficient  supply  of 
stones,  on  account  of  the  alluvial  character  of 
the  ground  on  which  the  city  stood.  In  such 
cases,  after  the  stones  found  near  were  exhaust- 
ed, the  besiegers  would  cut  down  great  trees 
from  the  avenues  leading  to  the  town,  or  from 
the  forests  near,  and,  sawing  the  trunk  up  into 


1220.J   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       309 

Modern  bombs.  Bringing  stones.  Occupation  of  slaves. 

short  lengths,  would  use  the  immense  blocks 
thus  formed  as  ammunition  for  the  engines. 
These  great  logs  of  heavy  wood,  when  thrown 
over  the  walls,  were  capable  of  doing  almost  as 
much  execution  as  the  stones,  though,  com- 
pared with  a  modern  bomb-shell — a  monstrous 
ball  of  iron,  which,  after  flying  four  or  five 
in  iles  from  the  battery,  leaving  on  its  way  a 
fiery  train  through  the  air,  descends  into  a  town 
and  bursts  into  a  thousand  fragments,  which 
fly  like  iron  hail  in  every  direction  around — 
they  were  very  harmless  missiles. 

In  sawing  up  the  trunks  of  the  trees  into  logs, 
and  in  bringing  stones  for  the  engines,  the  Mon- 
guls  employed  the  prisoners  whom  they  had 
taken  in  war  and  made  slaves  of.  The  amount 
of  work  of  this  kind  which  was  to  be  done  at 
some  of  the  sieges  was  very  great.  It  is  said 
that  at  the  siege  of  Nishabur — a  town  whose 
inhabitants  greatly  offended  Genghis  Khan  by 
secretly  sending  arms,  provisions,  and  money  to 
Jalaloddin,  after  they  had  once  surrendered  to 
the  Monguls  and  pretended  to  be  friendly  to 
them  —  the  army  of  the  Monguls  employed 
twelve  hundred  of  these  engines,  all  of  which 
were  made  at  a  town  at  some  distance  from  the 
place  besieged,  and  were  then  transported,  in 
parts,  by  the  slaves,  and  put  together  by  them 


810  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Shields.  Protection  against  fire.  Precautions. 

under  the  walls.  While  the  slaves  were  em- 
ployed in  works  of  this  kind,  they  were  some- 
times protected  by  wooden  shields  covered  with 
raw  hides,  which  were  carried  before  them  by 
other  slaves,  to  keep  off  and  extinguish  the 
fiery  darts  and  arrows  which  were  shot  at  them 
from  the  wall. 

Sometimes,  too,  the  places  where  the  engines 
were  set  up  were  protected  by  wooden  bul- 
warks, which,  together  with  the  frame- work  it- 
self of  the  engines,  were  covered  with  raw  hides, 
to  prevent  their  being  set  on  fire  by  the  ene- 
my. The  number  of  raw  hides  required  for 
this  purpose  was  immense,  and  to  obtain  them 
the  Monguls  slaughtered  vast  herds  of  horses 
and  cattle  which  they  plundered  from  the 
enemy. 

In  order  to  embarrass  the  enemy  in  respect 
to  ammunition  for  their  engines,  the  people  of 
a  town,  when  they  heard  that  the  Monguls  were 
coming,  used  to  turn  out  sometimes  in  mass, 
several  days  before,  and  gather  up  all  the  stones 
they  could  find,  and  throw  them  into  the  river, 
or  otherwise  put  them  out  of  the  way. 

In  some  cases,  the  towns  that  were  threaten- 
ed, as  has  already  been  said,  did  not  attempt  to 
resist,  but  submitted  at  once,  and  cast  them- 
selves on  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror.  In  such 


1220.]    VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       311 

Attempts  at  resistance.  Account  of  Kubru.  His  noble  spirit 

cases  the  Mongul  generals  usually  spared  the 
lives  of  the  inhabitants,  though  they  plundered 
their  property.  It  sometimes  happened,  too, 
that  after  attempting  to  defend  themselves  for 
some  time,  the  garrison  would  become  discour- 
aged, and  then  would  attempt  to  make  some 
terms  or  conditions  with  the  conqueror  before 
they  surrendered.  In  these  cases,  however, 
the  terms  which  the  Monguls  insisted  upon 
were  often  so  hard  that,  rather  than  yield  to 
them,  the  garrison  would  go  on  fighting  to  the 
end. 

In  one  instance  there  lived  in  a  town  that  was 
to  be  assailed  a  certain  sheikh,  or  prince,  named 
Kubru,  who  was  a  man  of  very  exalted  char- 
acter, as  well  as  of  high  distinction.  The  Mon- 
gul general  whom  Genghis  Khan  had  commis- 
sioned to  take  the  town  was  his  third  son,  Ok- 
tay.  Oktay  had  heard  of  the  fame  of  the 
sheikh,  and  had  conceived  a  very  high  respect 
lor  him.  So  he  sent  a  herald  to  the  wall  with 
a  passport  for  the  sheikh,  and  for  ten  other  per- 
sons such  as  he  should  choose,  giving  him  free 
permission  to  leave  the  town  and  go  wherever 
he  pleased.  But  the  sheikh  declined  the  offer. 
Then  Oktay  sent  in  another  passport,  with  per- 
mission to  the  sheikh  to  take  a  thousand  men 
with  him.  But  he  still  refused.  He  could  not 


812  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Kubru  plain.  Pusillanimity.  Sortiea  by  the  garrisons 

accept  Oktay's  bounty,  he  said,  unless  it  were 
extended  to  all  the  Mohammedans  in  the  town. 
He  was  obliged  to  take  his  lot  with  the  rest,  for 
he  was  bound  to  his  people  by  ties  too  strong 
to  be  easily  sundered. 

So  the  siege  went  on,  and  at  the  end  of  it, 
when  the  town  was  carried,  the  sheikh  was  slain 
with  the  rest  in  the  streets,  where  he  stood  his 
ground  to  the  last,  righting  like  a  lion. 

All  the  Mohammedan  chieftains,  however, 
did  not  possess  so  noble  a  spirit  as  this.  Ons 
chieftain,  when  he  found  that  the  Monguls 
were  coming,  caused  himself  to  be  let  down 
with  ropes  from  the  wall  in  the  night,  and  so 
made  his  escape,  leaving  the  town  and  the  gar- 
rison to  their  fate. 

The  garrisons  of  the  towns,  knowing  that 
they  had  little  mercy  to  expect  from  their  ter- 
rible enemies,  fought  often  very  desperately  to 
the  last,  as  they  would  have  done  against  beasts 
of  prey.  They  would  suddenly  open  the  gates 
and  rush  out  in  large  bands,  provided  with  com- 
bustibles of  all  kinds  and  torches,  with  which 
they  would  set  fire  to  the  engines  of  the  be- 
siegers, and  then  get  back  again  \vithin  the 
walls  before  the  Monguls  could  recover  suf 
ficiently  from  the  alarm  and  confusion  to  in- 
tercept them.  In  this  manner  they  destroyed 


1220 J   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       313 

Desperation  of  the  people.  Mode  of  disposing  of  prisoners. 

a.  great  many  of  the  engines,  and  killed  vast 
numbers  of  men. 

Still  the  Monguls  would  persevere,  and,  soon- 
er or  later,  the  place  was  sure  to  fall.  Then, 
when  the  inhabitants  found  that  all  hope  was 
over,  they  had  become  so  desperate  in  their 
hatred  of  their  foes  that  they  would  sometimes 
set  the  town  on  fire  with  their  own  hands,  and 
throw  themselves  and  their  wives  and  children 
into  the  flames,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands 
of  their  infuriated  enemies. 

The  cruelties  which  the  Monguls  perpetrated 
upon  their  unhappy  victims  when,  after  a  long 
resistance,  they  finally  gained  possession  of  a 
town,  were  indeed  dreadful.  They  usually  or- 
dered all  the  people  to  come  out  to  an  open 
space  on  the  plain,  and  there,  after  taking  out 
all  the  young  and  able-bodied  men,  who  could 
be  made  useful  in  bringing  stones  and  setting 
up  engines,  and  other  such  labors,  and  also  all 
the  young  and  beautiful  women,  to  be  divided 
among  the  army  or  sold  as  slaves,  they  would 
put  the  rest  together  in  a  mass,  and  kill  them 
all  by  shooting  at  them  with  arrows,  just  as  if 
they  had  been  beasts  surrounded  in  a  chase, 
excepting  that  the  excitement  and  pleasure  of 
shooting  into  such  a  mass  of  human  victims, 
and  of  hearing  the  shrieks  and  cries  of  their 


314  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1220. 

Prodigious  slaughter.  Atrocities.  The  pearl. 

terror,  was  probably  infinitely  greater  to  their 
brutal  murderers  than  if  it  had  been  a  herd  of 
lions,  tigers,  and  wolves  that  they  were  de- 
stroying. 

It  is  said  by  the  historians  that  in  one  case 
the  number  of  people  ordered  out  upon  the 
plain  was  so  great  that  it  took  four  days  for 
them  to  pass  out  and  assemble  at  the  appoint- 
ed place,  and  that,  after  those  who  were  to  be 
spared  had  been  separated  from  the  rest,  the 
number  that  were  left  to  be  slain  was  over  one 
hundred  thousand,  as  recorded  by  the  secre- 
taries who  made  an  enumeration  of  them. 

In  another  case  the  slaughter  was  so  great 
that  it  took  twelve  days  to  count  the  number 
of  the  dead. 

Some  of  the  atrocities  which  were  perpetrated 
upon  the  prisoners  were  almost  too  horrible  to 
be  described.  In  one  case  a  woman,  quite  ad- 
vanced in  years,  begged  the  Monguls  to  spare 
her  life,  and  promised  that,  if  they  would  do 
so,  she  would  give  them  a  pearl  of  great  value. 

They  asked  her  where  the  pearl  was,  and  she 
said  she  had  swallowed  it.  The  Monguls  then 
immediately  cut  her  down,  and  ripped  her  body 
open  with  their  swords  to  find  the  pearl.  They 
found  it,  and  then,  encouraged  by  this  success, 
and  thinking  it  probable  that  other  women 


1220.]   VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.       315 

Genghis  Khan's  grandson  killed.  His  mother's  revenge. 

might  have  attempted  to  hide  their  jewels  in 
the  same  way,  they  proceeded  to  kill  and  cut 
open  a  great  number  of  women  to  search  for 
pearls  in  their  bodies,  but  they  found  no  more. 

At  the  siege  of  a  certain  city,  called  Bami- 
yan,  a  young  grandson  of  Genghis  Khan,  wish- 
ing to  please  his  grandfather  by  his  daring,  ap- 
proached so  near  the  wall  that  he  was  reached 
by  an  arrow  shot  by  one  of  the  archers,  and 
killed.  Genghis  Khan  was  deeply  affected  by 
this  event,  and  he  showed  by  the  bitterness  of 
his  grief  that,  though  he  was  so  utterly  heart- 
less and  cruel  in  inflicting  these  woes  upon  oth- 
ers, he  could  feel  for  himself  very  acutely  when 
it  came  to  his  turn  to  suffer.  As  for  the  moth- 
er of  the  child,  she  was  rendered  perfectly  furi- 
ous by  his  death.  She  thought  of  nothing  but 
revenge,  and  she  only  waited  for  the  town  to 
be  taken  in  order  that  she  might  enjoy  it. 
When,  at  last,  a  practicable  breach  was  made, 
and  the  soldiers  began  to  pour  into  the  city, 
she  went  in  with  the  rest,  and  insisted  that  ev- 
ery man,  woman,  and  child  should  be  put  to 
death.  Her  special  rage  was  directed  against 
the  children,  whom  she  seemed  to  take  special 
pleasure  in  destroying,  in  vengeance  for  the 
death  of  her  own  child.  The  hatred  and  rage 
which  she  manifested  against  children  extend- 


316  GENGHIS   KHAN.  [1220. 

Principles  of  the  Mohammedan  faith.  Genghis  Khan's  opinion. 

ed  even  to  babes  unborn,  and  these  feelings  she 
evinced  by  atrocities  too  shocking  to  be  de- 
scribed. 

The  opinions  which  Genghis  Khan  entertain- 
ed on  religious  subjects  appear  from  a  conver- 
sation which  he  held  at  one  time  during  the 
course  of  his  campaigns  in  Western  Asia  with 
some  learned  Mohammedan  doctors  at  Bokha- 
ra, which  was  the  great  seat  at  that  time  of  sci- 
ence and  philosophy.  He  asked  the  doctors 
what  were  the  principles  of  their  religion.  They 
replied  that  these  principles  consisted  of  five 
fundamental  points : 

1.  In  believing  in  one  God,  the  creator  of  all 
things,  and  the  supreme  ruler  and  governor  of 
the  universe. 

2.  In  giving  one  fortieth  part  of  their  yearly 
income  or  gains  to  the  poor. 

3.  In  praying  to  God  five  times  every  day. 

4.  In  setting  apart  one  month  in  each  year 
for  fasting. 

5.  In  making  a  pilgrimage  to  the  temple  in 
Mecca,  there  to  worship  God. 

Genghis  Khan  told  them  that  he  believed 
himself  in  the  first  of  these  articles,  and  he  ap- 
proved of  the  three  succeeding  ones.  It  was 
very  well,  he  said,  to  give  one  fortieth  of  one's 
income  to  the  poor,  and  to  pray  to  God  five 


1220.]    VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.      317 

The  spirit  of  religious  bigotry. 

times  a  day,  and  to  set  apart  a  month  in  the 
year  for  a  fast.  But  as  to  the  last  article,  he 
could  not  but  dissent  Jfrom  it  entirely,  for  the 
whole  world  was  God's  house,  and  it  was  ridic- 
ulous, he  said,  to  imagine  that  one  place  could 
really  be  any  more  fitting  than  another  as  a 
place  for  worshiping  him. 

The  learned  doctors  were  much  dissatisfied 
with  this  answer.  They  were,  in  fact,  more 
displeased  with  the  dissent  which  the  emperor 
expressed  from  this  last  article,  the  only  one 
that  was  purely  and  wholly  ritual  in  its  charac- 
ter, than  they  were  gratified  with  the  concur- 
rence which  he  expressed  in  all  the  other  four. 
This  is  not  at  all  surprising,  for,  from  the  times 
of  the  Pharisees  down  to  the  present  day,  the 
spirit  of  sectarianism  and  bigotry  in  religion  al- 
ways plants  itself  most  strongly  on  the  platform 
of  externals.  It  is  always  contending  strenu 
ously  for  rites,  while  it  places  comparatively  in 
the  background  all  that  bears  directly  on  the 
vital  a,Lid  spiritual  interests  of  the  soul. 


318  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1221. 

The  great  hunting  party.  Object  of  the  hunt. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
GEAND  CELEBRATIONS. 

WHEN  Genghis  Khan  found  that  his  con. 
quests  in  Western  Asia  were  in  some 
good  degree  established  and  confirmed,  he  illus- 
trated his  victory  and  the  consequent  extension 
of  his  empire  by  two  very  imposing  celebrations. 
The  first  was  a  grand  hunt.  The  second  was  a 
solemn  convocation  of  all  the  estates  of  his  im- 
mense realm  in  a  sort  of  diet  or  deliberative 
assembly. 

The  accounts  given  by  the  historians  of  both 
these  celebrations  are  doubtless  greatly  exag- 
gerated. Their  description  of  the  hunt  is  as 
follows : 

It  was  after  the  close  of  the  campaign  ^ 
1221  that  it  took  place,  while  the  army  were  in 
winter  quarters.  The  object  of  the  hunt  was 
to  keep  the  soldiers  occupied,  so  as  to  avoid  the 
relaxation  of  discipline,  and  the  vices  and  dis- 
order which  generally  creep  into  a  camp  where 
there  are  no  active  occupations  to  engage  the 
minds  of  the  men.  The  hunt  took  place  in  a 


1221.]     GRAND  CELEBRATIONS.        319 

The  general  plan.  The  time  arrives. 

vast  region  of  uninhabited  country,  which  was 
infested  with  wild  beasts  of  every  kind.  The 
soldiers  were  marched  out  on  this  expedition 
in  order  of  war,  as  if  it  were  a  country  occupied 
by  armed  men  that  they  were  going  to  attack. 
The  different  detachments  were  conducted  to 
the  different  points  in  the  outskirts  of  the  coun- 
try, from  which  they  severally  extended  them- 
selves to  the  right  and  left,  so  as  completely  to 
inclose  the  ground.  And  the  space  was  so 
large,  it  is  said,  which  was  thus  inclosed,  that 
it  took  them  several  weeks  to  march  in  to  the 
centre. 

It  is  true  that  in  such  a  case  the  men  would 
advance  very  slowly,  perhaps  only  a  few  miles 
each  day,  in  order  that  they  might  examine 
the  ground  thoroughly,  and  leave  no  ravine,  or 
thicket,  or  other  lurking-place,  where  beasts 
might  conceal  themselves,  unexplored.  Still, 
the  circle  was  doubtless  immensely  large. 

When  the  appointed  morning  at  length  ar- 
rived, the  men  at  the  several  stations  were  ar- 
rayed, and  they  commenced  their  advance  to- 
ward the  centre,  moving  to  the  sound  of  trum- 
pets, drums,  timbrels,  and  other  such  instru- 
ments of  martial  music  as  were  in  use  in  those 
days. 

The  men  were  strictly  forbidden  to  kill  any 


320  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1221. 


Progress  of  the  operations. 


animal.  They  were  only  to  start  them  out  from 
their  lurking-places  and  lairs,  and  drive  them 
in  toward  the  centre  of  the  field. 

Great  numbers  of  the  rnen  were  provided 
with  picks,  spades,  and  other  similar  tools,  with 
which  they  were  to  dig  out  the  burrows  and 
holes  of  such  animals  as  should  seek  refuge  un- 
der ground. 

They  went  on  in  this  way  for  some  weeks. 
The  animals  ran  before  them,  thinking,  when 
they  were  disturbed  by  the  men,  that  it  was 
only  a  momentary  danger,  which  they  could 
easily  escape  from,  as  usual,  by  running  for- 
ward into  the  next  thicket ;  but  soon  the  ad- 
vancing line  of  the  soldiers  reached  them  there, 
and  drove  them  out  again,  and  if  they  attempt- 
ed to  turn  to  the  right  or  the  left  they  soon 
found  themselves  intercepted.  Thus,  as  the  cir- 
cle grew  narrower,  and  the  space  inclosed  di- 
minished, the  animals  began  to  find  themselves 
mixing  with  one  another  in  great  numbers,  and 
being  now  irritated  and  angry,  they  attacked 
one  another  in  many  instances,  the  strong  fall- 
ing upon  and  killing  the  weak.  Thus  a  great 
many  were  killed,  though  not  by  the  hands  of 
the  soldiers. 

At  last  the  numbers  became  so  great,  and  the 
excitement  and  terror  of  the  animals  so  intense, 


1221.]     GRAND  CELEBRATIONS.        321 

T«rror  of  the  animals.         The  inner  circle.         Condition  of  the  beasta. 

that  the  soldiers  had  great  difficulty  in  driving 
them  forward.  The  poor  beasts  ran  this  way 
and  that,  half  distracted,  while  the  soldiers 
pressed  steadily  on  behind  them,  and  cut  them 
off  from  every  chance  of  escape  by  raising  ter- 
rific shouts  and  outcries,  and  by  brandishing 
weapons  before  them  wherever  they  attempted 
to  turn. 

At  length  the  animals  were  all  driven  in  to 
the  inner  circle,  a  comparatively  small  space, 
which  had  been  previously  marked  ottt.  Around 
this  space  double  and  triple  lines  of  troops  were 
drawn  up,  armed  with  pikes  and  spears,  which 
they  pointed  in  toward  the  centre,  thus  forming 
a  sort  of  wall  by  which  the  beasts  were  closely 
shut  in.  The  plan  was  now  for  the  officers  and 
khans,  and  all  the  great  personages  of  the  court 
and  the  army,  to  go  into  the  circle,  and  show 
their  courage  and  their  prowess  by  attacking 
the  beasts  and  slaying  them. 

But  the  courage  required  for  such  an  exploit 
was  not  so  great  as  it  might  seem,  for  it  was  al- 
ways found  on  these  occasions  that  the  beasts, 
though  they  had  been  very  wild  and  ferocious 
when  first  aroused  from  their  lairs,  and  had  ap- 
peared excessively  irritated  when  they  found 
the  circle  beginning  to  narrow  around  them, 
ended  at  last  in  losing  all  their  spirit,  and  in  be- 

12—21 


322  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1221. 

The  princes  enter  the  ring.  Intimidation  of  the  wild  beasts. 

coming  discouraged,  dejected,  and  tame.  This 
was  owing  partly,  perhaps,  to  their  having  be- 
come, in  some  degree,  familiar  with  the  sight 
of  men,  but  more  probably  to  the  exhaustion 
produced  by  long-continued  fatigue  and  excite- 
ment, and  to  their  having  been  for  so  many 
days  deprived  in  a  great  degree  of  their  accus- 
tomed food  and  rest. 

Thus  in  this,  as  in  a  great  many  other  simi- 
lar instances,  the  poor  soldiers  and  common  peo- 
ple incurred  the  danger  and  the  toil,  and  then 
the  great  men  came  in  at  the  end  to  reap  the 
glory. 

Genghis  Khan  himself  was  the  first  to  enter 
the  circle  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the  beasts. 
He  was  followed  by  the  princes  of  his  family, 
and  by  other  great  chieftains  and  khans.  As 
they  went  in,  the  whole  army  surrounded  the 
inclosure,  and  completely  filled  the  air  with  the 
sound  of  drums,  timbrels,  trumpets,  and  other 
such  instruments,  and  with  the  noise  of  the 
most  terrific  shouts  and  outcries  which  they 
could  make,  in  order  to  terrify  and  overawe  the 
beasts  as  much  as  possible,  and  to  destroy  in 
them  all  thought  and  hope  of  resistance. 

And,  indeed,  so  much  effect  was  produced  by 
these  means  of  intimidation,  that  the  beasts,  it 
is  said,  became  completely  stupefied.  "They 


1224.]     GRAND  CELEBRATIONS.         323 

They  recover  their  ferocity  when  attacked.  The  slaughter. 

were  so  affrighted  that  they  lost  all  their  fierce- 
ness. The  lions  and  tigers  became  as  tame  as 
lambs,  and  the  bears  and  wild  boars,  like  the 
most  timorous  creatures,  became  dejected  and 
amazed." 

Still,  the  going  in  of  Genghis  Khan  and  the 
princes  to  attack  them  was  not  wholly  without 
danger ;  for,  of  course,  it  was  a  point  of  honor 
with  them  to  select  the  most  ferocious  and  fierce 
of  the  animals,  and  some  of  these,  when  they 
found  themselves  actually  assailed,  were  aroused 
again,  and,  recovering  in  some  degree  their  na- 
tive ferocity,  seemed  impelled  to  make  a  last 
desperate  effort  to  defend  themselves.  After 
killing  a  few  of  the  lions,  tigers,  and  bears,  Gen- 
ghis Khan  and  his  immediate  suite  retired  to  a 
place  at  one  side  of  the  inclosure,  where  a 
throne  had  been  set  up  for  the  emperor  on  an 
eminence  which  afforded  a  good  view  of  the 
field.  Here  Genghis  Khan  took  his  seat  in  or- 
der to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of  the  slaughter,  and 
then  an  immense  number  of  men  were  allowed 
to  go  in  and  amuse  themselves  with  killing  and 
destroying  the  poor  beasts  till  they  were  per- 
fectly satiated  with  the  sight  of  blood  and  of 
suffering. 

At  last  some  of  the  khan's  grandsons,  attend- 
ed by  several  other  young  princes,  approached 


324  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1224, 

Petition  of  the  young  men.     End  of  the  hunt     The  assemble  at  Tsukat. 

the  throne  where  the  emperor  was  seated,  and 
petitioned  him  to  order  the  carnage  to  cease, 
and  to  allow  the  rest  of  the  animals  to  go  free. 
This  petition  the  emperor  granted.  The  lines 
were  broken  up,  the  animals  that  had  escaped 
being  massacred  made  their  way  back  into  the 
wilds  again,  and  the  hunt  was  over. 

The  several  detachments  of  the  army  then 
set  out  on  their  march  back  to  the  camp  again. 
But  so  great  was  the  scale  on  which  this  grand 
hunting  expedition  was  conducted,  that  four 
months  elapsed  between  the  time  of  their  set- 
ting out  upon  it  till  the  time  of  their  return. 

The  grand  diet  or  general  assembly  of  the 
states  of  Genghis  Khan's  empire  took  place  two 
or  three  years  later,  when  the  conquest  of  West- 
ern Asia  was  complete,  and  the  sons  of  the  em- 
peror and  all  the  great  generals  could  be  called 
together  at  the  emperor's  head-quarters  without 
much  danger.  The  place  chosen  for  this  assem- 
bly was  a  vast  plain  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city 
of  Toukat,  which  has  already  been  mentioned 
as  one  of  the  great  cities  conquered  by  Genghis 
Khan.  Toukat  lay  in  a  central  and  convenient 
position  for  the  purpose  of  this  assembly.  It 
was,  moreover,  a  rich  and  beautiful  city,  and 
•oouid  furnish  all  that  would  be  necessary  for 


1224.]     GRAND  CELEBRATIONS.         825 

Raturn  of  Genghis  Khan's  sons.  Present  of  honea. 

the  wants  of  the  assembly.  The  meeting,  how- 
ever, was  not  to  be  held  in  the  city  itself,  but 
upon  a  great  plain  in  the  environs  of  it,  where 
there  was  space  for  all  the  khans,  with  their 
numerous  retinues,  to  pitch  their  tents. 

When  the  khans  and  chieftains  began  to  as- 
semble, there  came  first  the  sons  of  the  king, 
returning  from  the  various  expeditions  on 
which  their  father  had  sent  them,  and  bringing 
with  them  magnificent  presents.  These  pres- 
ents, of  course,  consisted  of  the  treasures  and 
other  valuables  which  they  had  taken  in  plun- 
der from  the  various  cities  which  had  fallen 
into  their  hands.  The  presents  which  Jughi 
brought  exceeded  in  value  those  of  all  the 
others.  Among  the  rest,  there  was  a  herd  of 
horses  one  hundred  thousand  in  number. 
These  horses  had,  of  course,  been  seized  in  the 
pastures  of  the  conquered  countries,  and  were 
now  brought  to  the  emperor  to  be  used  by  him 
in  mounting  his  troops.  They  were  arrayed  in 
bands  according  to  the  color,  white,  dappled 
gray,  bay,  black,  and  spotted,  of  each  kind  an 
equal  number. 

The  emperor  received  and  welcomed  his  sons 
with  great  joy,  and  readily  accepted  their  pres- 
ents. In  return,  he  made  presents  to  them  from 
his  own  treasuries. 


326  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1224. 

The  khans  arrive.  Grand  entertainments.  Prinks. 

'After  this,  as  other  princes  and  khans  came 
in,  and  encamped  with  their  troops  and  follow- 
ers on  the  plain,  the  emperor  entertained  them 
all  with  a  series  of  grand  banquets  and. public 
diversions  of  all  sorts.  Among  other  things  a 
grand  hunting  party  was  organized,  somewhat 
similar  in  the  general  plan  to  the  one  already 
described,  only  on  a  much  smaller  scale,  of 
course,  in  respect  to  the  number  of  persons  en- 
gaged and  the  time  occupied,  while  yet  it  great- 
ly surpassed  that  one  in  magnificence  and 
splendor.  Several  thousand  beasts  were  slain, 
it  is  said,  and  a  great  number  and  variety  of 
birds,  which  were  taken  by  the  falcons. 

At  the  end  of  the  hunt  a  great  banquet  was 
given,  which  surpassed  all  the  other  feasts  in 
munificence.  They  had  on  the  tables  of  this 
banquet  a  great  variety  of  drinks — not  only  rich 
wines  from  the  southern  countries,  but  beer, 
and  nietheglin,  and  also  sherbet,  which  the  army 
had  learned  to  make  in  Persia. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  great  space  on  the 
plain,  which  had  been  set  apart  for  the  encamp- 
ment, had  been  gradually  becoming  filled  up 
by  the  arrival  of  the  khans,  until  at  length,  in 
every  direction,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
the  whole  plain  was  covered  with  groups  of 
tents  and  long  lines  of  movable  houses,  brought 


1224.]     GRAND  CELEBRATIONS.        327 

-fireat  extent  of  the  encampment.  Laying  out  the  encampment 


on  wheels.  The  ground  which  the  encamp- 
ment covered  was  said  by  the  historians  to 
have  been  seven  leagues  in  extent.  If  the 
space  occupied  was  any  thing  at  all  approach- 
ing this  magnitude,  it  could  only  be  that  the 
outer  portions  of  it  were  occupied  by  the  herds- 
men and  other  servants  of  the  khans,  who  had 
to  take  care  of  the  cattle  and  horses  of  the 
troops,  and  to  provide  them  with  suitable  pas- 
ture. Indeed,  the  great  number  of  animals 
which  these  wandering  tribes  always  took  with 
them  on  their  journeys  rendered  it  necessary 
to  appropriate  a  much  larger  space  to  their  en- 
campments than  would  have  been  otherwise  re- 
quired. 

It  is  surprising  to  us,  who  are  accustomed  to 
look  upon  living  in  tents  as  so  exclusively  an 
irregular  and  temporary  expedient,  to  learn 
how  completely  this  mode  of  life  was  reduced 
to  a  system  in  those  days,  and  how  perfect  and 
complete  all  the  arrangements  relating  to  it 
were  made.  In  this  case,  in  the  centre  of  the 
encampment,  a  space  of  two  leagues  in  length 
was  regularly  laid  out  in  streets,  squares,  and 
market-places,  like  a  town.  Here  were  the  em- 
peror's quarters,  with  magnificent  tents  for  him- 
self and  his  immediate  household,  and  multi- 
tudes of  others  of  a  plainer  character  for  his 


328  GENGHIS  KHAX.  [1224. 

The  state  tent.  The  throne.  Business  transacted. 

servants  and  retainers.  The  tents  of  the  other 
grand  khans  were  near.  They  were  made  of 
rich  materials,  and  ornamented  in  a  sumptuous 
manner,  and  silken  streamers  of  various  colors 
floated  in  the  wind  from  the  summits  of  them. 

Besides  these  there  was  an  immense  tent, 
built  for  the  assembly  itself  to  hold  its  sessions 
in.  This  tent  was  so  large,  it  is  said,  that  it 
would  contain  two  thousand  persons.  It  was 
covered  with  white,  which  made  it  very  con- 
spicuous. There  were  two  entrance-gates  lead- 
ing to  the  interior.  One  of  them  was  called 
the  imperial  gate,  and  was  for  the  use  of  Gen- 
ghis Khan  alone.  The  other  was  the  public 
gate,  and  was  used  in  general  for  the  members 
of  the  assembly  and  for  spectators. 

Within  the  tent  was  erected  a  magnificent 
throne,  intended  for  the  use  of  the  emperor  dur- 
ing the  sessions  of  the  assembly. 

A  great  amount  of  important  business  was 
transacted  by  the  assembly  while  it  continued 
in  session,  and  many  important  edicts  were 
made  by  the  emperor.  The  constitution  and 
laws  of  the  empire  were  promulgated  anew,  and 
all  necessary  arrangements  made  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  various  provinces  both  near  and 
remote. 

At  length,  when  these  various  objects  had 


1224.]     GRAND   CELEBRATIONS.        329 

Leave-taking.  The  assembly  is  dismissed. 

been  accomplished,  and  the  business  was  con- 
cluded, the  emperor  gave  audience  individually 
to  all  the  princes,  khans,  generals,  governors  of 
provinces,  and  other  grand  dignitaries  who  were 
present  on  the  occasion,  in  order  that  they 
might  take  their  leave  preparatory  to  return- 
ing to  their  several  countries.  When  this  cer- 
emony was  concluded  the  encampment  was 
broken  up,  and  the  various  khans  set  off,  each 
at  the  head  of  his  own  caravan,  on  the  road 
leading  to  his  own  home. 


330  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1227. 


Death  of  the  khan's  oldest  son. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
CONCLUSION. 

AFTER  the  grand  convocation  described 
in  the  last  chapter,  Genghis  Khan  lived 
only  three  years.  During  this  time  he  went 
on  extending  his  conquests  with  the  same  tri- 
umphant success  that  had  attended  his  previous 
operations.  Having  at  length  established  his 
dominion  in  Western  Asia  on  a  permanent 
basis,  he  returned  to  the  original  seat  of  his 
empire  in  the  East,  after  seven  years'  absence, 
where  he  was  received  with  great  honor  by  the 
Mongul  nation.  He  began  again  to  extend  his 
conquests  in  China.  He  was  very  successful. 
Indeed,  with  the  exception  of  one  great  calam- 
ity which  befell  him,  his  career  was  one  of  con- 
tinued and  unexampled  prosperity. 

This  calamity  was  the  death  of  his  son  Jughi, 
his  oldest,  most  distinguished,  and  best-beloved 
son.  The  news  of  this  event  threw  the  khan 
into  a  deep  melancholy,  so  that  for  a  time  he 
lost  all  his  interest  in  public  affairs,  and  even 
the  news  of  victories  obtained  in  distant  coun- 


1227.]  CONCLUSION.  331 

Effects  of  this  calamity.  Plans  for  the  invasion  of  China, 

tries  by  his  armies  ceased  to  awaken  any  joyful 
emotions  in  his  mind. 

The  khan  was  now,  too,  becoming  quite  ad- 
vanced in  life,  being  about  sixty-four  years  old, 
which  is  an  age  at  which  the  mind  is  slow  to 
recover  its  lost  elasticity.  He  did,  however, 
slowly  recover  from  the  effects  of  his  grief,  and 
he  then  went  on  with  his  warlike  preparations. 
He  had  conquered  all  the  northern  portion  of 
China,  and  was  now  making  arrangements  for 
a  grand  invasion  of  the  southern  part,  when  at 
length,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1227,  he  fell 
sick.  He  struggled  against  the  disease  during 
the  summer,  but  at  length,  in  August,  he  found 
himself  growing  worse,  and  felt  that  his  end 
was  drawing  nigh. 

His  mind  was  occupied  mainly,  during  all 
this  interval,  by  arranging  the  details  of  the 
coming  campaign,  and  making  known  to  the 
officers  around  him  all  the  particulars  of  his 
plans,  in  order  that  they  might  carry  them  out 
successfully  after  his  decease.  He  was  chiefly 
concerned,  as  well  he  might  be,  lest  the  gener- 
als should  quarrel  among  each  other  after  he 
should  be  gone,  and  he  continually  exhorted 
them  to  be  united,  and  on  no  account  to  allow 
discord  or  dissension*  to  creep  in  and  divide 
them. 


332  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1227. 

The  khan's  sons.  His  sickness.  Change  for  the  worse. 

His  oldest  son,  next  to  Jughi,  was  Jagatay, 
but  he  was  of  a  mild  and  amiable  temper,  and 
not  so  well  qualified  to  govern  so  widely-ex- 
tended an  empire  as  the  next  son,  whose  name 
was  Oktay.  The  next  son  to  Oktay,  whose 
name  was  Toley,  was  with  his  father  at  the 
time  when  his  sickness  at  last  assumed  an  im- 
mediately alarming  character. 

This  change  for  the  worse,  which  convinced 
the  emperor  that  his  death  was  drawing  nigh, 
took  place  one  day  when  he  was  traveling  with 
a  portion  of  his  army,  being  borne  on  a  litter 
on  account  of  his  infirm  and  feeble  condition. 
A  halt  was  ordered,  a  camp  was  formed,  and 
the  great  conqueror  was  borne  to  a  tent  which 
was  pitched  for  him  on  the  spot  near  the  bor- 
ders of  the  forest.  The  physicians  and  the  as- 
trologers came  around  him,  and  tried  to  com- 
fort him  with  encouraging  predictions,  but  he 
knew  by  the  pains  that  he  felt,  and  by  other 
inward  sensations,  that  his  hour  had  come. 

He  accordingly  ordered  that  all  of  his  sons 
who  were  in  the  camp,  and  all  the  princes  of 
his  family,  should  be  called  in  to  his  bedside. 
When  they  had  all  assembled,  he  caused  him- 
self to  be  raised  up  in  his  bed,  and  then  made 
a  short  but  very  solemn  address  to  them. 

"I  leave  you,"  said  he,  "  the  greatest  empire 


1227.]  CONCLUSION.  333 

Farewell  addresa.  He  claims  the  right  to  name  his  successor. 

in  the  world,  but  your  preserving  it  depends 
upon  your  remaining  always  united.  If  dis- 
cord steals  in  among  you  all  will  most  assured- 
ly be  lost." 

Then,  turning  to  the  great  chieftains  and 
khans  who  were  standing  by — the  great  nobles 
of  his  court — he  appealed  to  them,  as  well  as  to 
the  princes  of  his  family,  whether  it  was  not 
just  and  reasonable  that  he,  who  had  establish- 
ed the  empire,  and  built  it  up  wholly  from  th* 
very  foundations,  should  have  the  right  to  name 
a  successor  to  inherit  it  after  he  was  gone. 

They  all  expressed  a  full  assent  to  this  prop- 
osition. His  sons  and  the  other  princes  of  his 
family  fell  on  their  knees  and  said,  "You  are 
our  father  and  our  emperor,  and  we  are  your 
slaves.  It  is  for  us  to  bow  in  submission  to 
.all  the  commands  with  which  you  honor  us, 
and  to  render  the  most  implicit  obedience  to 
them." 

The  khan  then  proceeded  to  announce  to  the 
assembly  that  he  had  made  choice  of  his  son 
Oktay  as  his  successor,  and  he  declared  him  the 
khan  of  khans,  which  was  the  imperial  title, 
according  to  the  constitution. 

The  whole  assembly  then  kneeled  again,  and 
solemnly  declared  that  they  accepted  the  choice 
which  the  emperor  had  made,  and  promised  al- 


334  GENGHIS  KHAN.  [1227. 

Other  arrangements.    Death  of  the  emperor.    His  grave  and  monument. 

legiance  and  fidelity  to  the  new  sovereign  so 
soon  as  he  should  be  invested  with  power. 

The  aged  emperor  then  gave  to  his  second 
son,  Jagatay,  a  large  country  for  his  kingdom, 
which,  however,  he  was,  of  course,  to  hold  un- 
der the  general  sovereignty  of  his  brother.  He 
also  appointed  his  son  Toley,  who  was  then 
present,  to  act  as  regent  until  Oktay  should 
return. 

The  assembly  was  then  dismissed,  and  very 
soon  afterward  the  great  conqueror  died. 

Toley,  of  course,  immediately  entered  upon 
his  office  as  regent,  and  under  his  direction  the 
body  of  his  father  was  interred,  with  great  mag- 
nificence, under  a  venerable  tree,  where  the 
khan  had  rested  himself  with  great  satisfaction 
a  few  days  before  he  was  taken  sick. 

The  spot  was  a  very  beautiful  orie,  and  in 
due  time  a  magnificent  monument  was  erected 
over  the  grave.  Trees  were  afterward  planted 
around  the  spot,  and  other  improvements  were 
made  in  the  grounds,  by  which  it  became,  at 
length,  it  was  said,  one  of  the  finest  sepulchres 
in  the  world. 

As  soon  as  Oktay,  whom  the  emperor  had 
designated  as  his  successor,  returned  home,  he 
was  at  once  proclaimed  emperor,  and  establish- 
ed himself  at  his  father's  court.  The  news  of 


1227.]  CONCLUSION.  335 

Visits  of  condolence  to  the  new  emperor.  Fate  of  the  empire. 

the  old  emperor's  death  rapidly  spread  through- 
out Asia,  and  a  succession  of  embassadors  were 
sent  from  all  the  provinces,  principalities,  and 
kingdoms  throughout  the  empire,  and  also  from 
such  contiguous  states  as  desired  to  maintain 
friendly  relations  with  tne  new  monarch,  to 
bring  addresses  and  messages  of  condolence 
from  their  respective  rulers.  And  so  great  was 
the  extent  of  country  from  which  these  embas- 
sadors came  that  a  period  of  six  months  was 
consumed  before  these  melancholy  ceremonies 
were  ended. 

The  fate  of  the  grand  empire  which  Genghis 
Khan  established  was  the  same  with  that  of  all 
others  that  have  arisen  in  the  world,  from  time 
to  time,  by  the  extension  of  the  power  of  great 
military  commanders  over  widely -separated  and 
heterogeneous  nations.  The  sons  and  success- 
ors to  whom  the  vast  possessions  descended 
soon  quarreled  among  themselves,  and  the  im- 
mense fabric  fell  to  pieces  in  less  time  than  it 
had  taken  to  construct  it 


THE  END. 


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